Porgy and Bess

Porgy and Bess is the only Opera in the Canon that portrays a story of Black American people… and it was written by white people.

George Gershwin, 1937

George Gershwin’s Porgy and Bess has long been hailed as an iconic work in American opera, blending classical music with jazz, blues, and folk influences to tell the story of life in a fictional African American community in Charleston, South Carolina.1 While its music is undoubtedly powerful, Porgy and Bess also requires critical interrogation, particularly due to the opera’s portrayal of race, culture, and identity. This raises uncomfortable questions about representation, authenticity, and the perpetuation of racial stereotypes.

At the heart of Porgy and Bess is a narrative of struggle, love, and survival,2 centered on the character of Porgy, a disabled beggar, and his troubled relationship with Bess, a woman caught in the grip of addiction and abuse. The opera’s setting—Catfish Row, a poor African American neighborhood—creates a world where the characters’ lives are defined by poverty, violence, and hardship. While this portrayal is grounded in the socio-economic realities of many Black communities in the early 20th century, it also risks reinforcing a reductive and stereotypical image of African American life.3

The opera’s focus on African American characters, often depicted in crisis or dependency, can be seen as problematic. Critics have noted that Porgy and Bess is deeply influenced by a white gaze, one that both romanticizes and victimizes African Americans. While Gershwin was committed to incorporating Black music traditions into his work, his portrayal of Black life lacks the nuance and agency that would allow African American characters to transcend their circumstances.3 Each character fits the minstrel stereotypes: either asexual or overly sexual. Either unintelligent or villainous. These reinforce patriarchal white-supremacist ideology that perpetuates a false narrative further.

Modern productions of Porgy and Bess, have sparked important conversations about how the work can be reimagined.2 These revivals attempt to acknowledge the complexities of race and representation, offering opportunities for greater authenticity and racial equity in performances.

Yet, even in its reinvention, Porgy and Bess remains a product of its time—one that must be engaged with critically to understand the tensions between artistic excellence and the reproduction of harmful racial stereotypes.

Ultimately, Porgy and Bess poses a challenge to contemporary audiences. While it is undeniable that the opera has shaped the American musical landscape, its legacy also serves as a reminder that the only work centered around the African American experience was written by white people and serves at perpetuate minstrel stereotypes. To truly recognize the richness of Black identity and culture, it is necessary to interrogate the ways in which works like Porgy and Bess both distort and reflect the lived experiences of Black communities.

“An American Elegy”: The Perfect Tribute

Program notes from Frank Ticheli’s “An American Elegy” 1999

In April of 1999, the nation stood still as they witnessed the tragedy that was the Columbine High School Massacre. Everyone experienced a collective feeling of anger, sorrow, and grief as they watched the news in horror. Throughout the country, people could not comprehend what they had seen, and many wanted to do whatever they could to help Columbine High School. One of these groups was the University of Colorado’s Alpha Iota Chapter of Kappa Kappa Psi, a nationwide fraternity for college band members. The Alpha Iota Chapter decided to reach out to world-renowned band composer Frank Ticheli to commission a piece in honor of all those affected by that tragic day.

Frank Ticheli was honored when he was approached by the chapter and knew that he needed to write something special to commemorate those who lost their lives. Ticheli in his program notes describes how the main melody of the work came to him in a dream. Once he had the main melody, the rest of the work came together in around two weeks. Ticheli continues to describe the work in his program notes, saying,

An American Elegy is, above all, an expression of hope. It was composed in memory of those who lost their lives at Columbine High School on April 20, 1999, and to honor the survivors. It is offered as a tribute to their great strength and courage in the face of terrible tragedy.

Ticheli uses multiple pages at the beginning of the score to go into detail about each section of the work. He gives specific directions on how different sections of the piece should feel, as well as the emotions he wanted to portray while writing the piece.

All of the emotion that was put into this work becomes very apparent with just one listen of the piece. The music never tries to make a statement, which has become a theme in more recent memorial pieces, especially those about school shootings. The music focuses solely on being a memorial for all those who lost their lives, and in my opinion, does so to near perfection. The piece slowly builds up, seemingly going through every stage of grief in just 10 short minutes. The piece finally reaches its climax at around 7:00 minutes in, using the brass to play the Columbine alma matter. After this fanfare moment from the brass, the instrumentation completely dies out, leaving just an offstage trumpet solo that rings over the venue. This moment is the emotional heart of the work and portrays so much emotion without ever even needing to see the soloist.

Overall, this piece is one of the most influential pieces in all of the wind-band literature and is a beautiful tribute to those who lost so much. I want to leave this post off with one final quote from the program notes, as I feel it perfectly encapsulates the importance of this work.

I hope the work can also serve as one reminder of how fragile and precious life is and how intimately connected we all are as human beings.

Frank Ticheli, An American Elegy, Manhatten Beach Music, 1999

Louis Armstrong’s All Star Tours and the Straw That Broke the Camels Back

A man in a suit plays a trumpet while standing on a rock near the Sphinx and pyramids in the background. A seated woman in a dress and headscarf watches him, smiling. The setting is an ancient archaeological site.

Louis Armstrong playing for his wife in front of the pyramids of Giza, 1961

Louis Armstrong was truly a cross-generational talent. Even today, Armstrong is one of the few household names in the jazz industry. Known as a pioneer of jazz, he was famous all over the world during the peak of his fame, even during some of the most conflicting times in the 20th century. He first grew in popularity in the 1920s with his Hot Five and Hot Seven recordings, afterward continuing as a soloist, a band leader, and even acting in movies. Armstrong was instrumental in the introduction of the swing band era into the jazz and popular music scene.

Because of his worldwide success, Armstrong was asked to go on tours as an ambassador for the United States with his band known as the “All-Stars.” Armstrong was one of many ambassadors who were asked to travel across the world by the US government, as the US wanted to use these jazz musicians to raise its public perception after it had been hurt by the Soviet Union during the Cold War. Other musicians who went on these ambassador tours include Dizzy Gillespie, Benny Goodman, Duke Ellington, Dave Brubeck, and more.

As part of these ambassador tours, Armstrong was asked to visit the Soviet Union in 1957. He originally planned to go on this tour, but after the National Guard refused entry to the 9 black students in Little Rock, Armstrong backed out of the tour in protest of the United States government. After he canceled the tour, Armstrong went on record to condemn the US government for their actions. These statements were recounted by Larry Lubenow, the journalist who broke the story 50 years ago.

“Well, he said that as far as he was concerned, Ike and the government could go to hell. And he sang his version of the ‘Star-Spangled Banner’ to me with very dirty lyrics – oh, say can you mothers – M-F – see by the M-F early light? He was very mad,”

These comments made the front papers of newspapers all over the country and were very significant to Armstrong’s career. For the majority of his career, he had been considered a sellout and an “Uncle Tom” by many of his black peers. He would often remain silent on racial and social issues, and many also believed that he played a “white-washed” form of jazz to appeal to his audiences. Many musicians, such as Miles Davis, even compared his performances to minstrelsy.

Many believe that Armstrong speaking out was the final straw that pushed Eisenhower to make a federal order allowing the students to enter Little Rock’s school. I believe that Louis Armstrong using his power to cancel his tour shows just how powerful individual voices can be. Although he was just one man who rarely involved himself in politics, he still was a driving force in the effort to desegregate schools.

“Remembering Louis Armstrong’s Little Rock Protest.” NPR, NPR, 22 Sept. 2007, www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=14620516#:~:text=In%20September%201957%2C%20Louis%20Armstrong%20cancelled%20his%20tour%20of%20the,integrate%20Central%20High%20School%20there.

“Louis Armstrong in Egypt.” The American Mosaic: The African American Experience, ABC-CLIO, 2024, africanamerican2.abc-clio.com/Search/Display/1463453. Accessed 17 Dec. 2024

“Fables of Faubus”: How One Artist Used His Music To Challenge a Governor

Arkansas governor Orval Faubus holds up a sign against racial segregation in schools.

Charles Mingus was a very influential Jazz musician during the Civil Rights Movement. He was a string bassist and band leader raised in California. Mingus began playing music at a young age and worked with many great classical and jazz musicians, such as Louis Armstrong and H. Rheinshagan, the principal bassist for the New York Philharmonic. Mingus eventually moved to New York where he specialized in avant-garde and bebop music and played with greats such as Charlie Parker and Miles Davis.

Mingus was known for often being overtly political with his pieces, with one of his most important political pieces being titled “Fables of Faubus.”

The song was written in response to 9 young black girls being barred from entering school in Little Rock, Arkansas by protesters and the national guard. These students were supposed to be the first-ever African American students to attend a desegregated school after the Supreme Court ruled that segregated schools in America were illegal in 1954. The students were ordered by a federal judge to start attending Little Rock Central High School immediately, but the girls were repeatedly denied entry. This caused national outrage that eventually led to Eisenhower making an order to send the army to accompany the students to school roughly a month later. Even after the students were allowed into school, public outrage still remained towards many politicians involved, specifically Governor Orval Faubus and President Eisenhower.

“Fables of Faubus” was written as a direct call-out to these politicians, especially Orval Faubus. The song was originally recorded in 1959, but remastered to include new lyrics in 1960. These lyrics referred to politicians of the time as Nazis, Fascists, and members of the Ku Klux Klan. The chorus of the song is also a direct call-out to Faubus, saying,

“Name me someone who’s ridiculous, Dannie, ‘Governor Faubus! ‘Why is he so sick and ridiculous? He won’t permit us in his schools! Then he’s a fool!”

The song is still considered a standard in jazz today, and will forever be memorialized as proof of the politcal power of music.

“The Little Rock Nine.” National Museum of African American History and Culture, 6 Sept. 2018, nmaahc.si.edu/explore/stories/little-rock-nine.

“Orval Faubus Holds Sign Opposing Racial Integration.” The American Mosaic: The African American Experience, ABC-CLIO, 2024, africanamerican2.abc-clio.com/Search/Display/2155121. Accessed 17 Dec. 2024

Religion and Resistance: Dietrich Bonhoeffer and the African American Spiritual.


Bonhoeffer with Students in 1932.

Dietrich Bonhoeffer was a Lutheran Pastor and theologian who was executed in 1945 was executed by Nazis in 1945 for his involvement with a plot to kill Hitler. In 1930, Bonhoeffer came to America to pursue a fellowship at Union Theological Seminary in New York. Bonhoeffer was introduced to the Abyssinian Baptist Church by a fellow seminarian. Bonhoeffer served in the ministry there while he was in the U.S. and formed a love and affinity for the Black Church.

Theologians love to draw the connection between Bonhoeffer’s encounter with the Black Church and his resistance work back in Germany. For a detailed treatment of this subject see Reggie L. Williams’s excellent book Bonhoeffer’s Black Jesus.

Bonhoeffer was apparently quite moved by Black Spirituals during his time in America, and even recorded them (Williams 80-1). He said that spirituals were “some of the greatest artistic achievements in America” and described them as having a “strange mixture of reserved melancholy and eruptive joy” (Williams 80). He would later, according to one his biographers, play these Spirituals for his students in his underground seminary back in Germany. His friend and biographer Eberhard Bethage wrote “We hummed ‘Swing low, sweet chariot’ twenty years before the radio and concert halls made it familiar here.” (Bethage, quoted in John W. Doberstien’s introduction to Bonhoeffer’s Life Together 9).

The affinity between Bonhoeffer and the Spiritual tradition isn’t surprising. Both share theological roots in resistance to oppression. The original religious context of Spirituals was in clandestine meetings where enslaved people would sing and worship together. Bonhoeffer’s resistance seminary was also underground. It’s hard not to see the resonance with the early church as well. The type of Christianity these three movements express is an imminent and liberation focused Christianity, which requires “Costly Grace,” an idea developed by Bonhoeffer.

“Costly grace confronts us as a gracious call to follow Jesus, it comes as a word of forgiveness to the broken spirit and the contrite heart. It is costly because it compels a man to submit to the yoke of Christ and follow him; it is grace because Jesus says: ‘My yoke is easy and my burden is light’” (Witness to Jesus Christ “The Cost of Discipleship” 158).

Such grace exists perhaps especially in the midst of oppression. Grace, christian or otherwise, does not release us from our ethical duties to each other, but instead strengthens them.


Bonhoeffer, Dietrich. Life Together. trans. Doberstein, John. Harper & Brothers. 1954.

Dietrich Bonhoeffer: Witness to Jesus Christ. ed. John De Gruchy. Collins Liturgical Publications. London. 1988.

Williams, Reggie L. Bonhoeffer’s Black Jesus: Harlem Renaissance Theology and An Ethic of Resistance. Baylor University Press. 2014.



12-Bar Blues Is Everywhere

12-bar blues is a foundation that artists from all genres around the world have used to build their musical visions.

Blues goes beyond just a genre of music. The 12-bar blues progression has become one of the most significant building blocks of American popular music. Its influence can be traced through decades of musical evolution, from the birth of rock and roll to the rise of modern pop and hip-hop.

The 12-bar blues was a chord progression that could be used for improvisation and manipulation to create thousands of works of music. The structure allows for ample room for improvisation and emotional expression, especially when it comes to vocal delivery and instrumental solos.1 It’s easy to see why it became so foundational to blues musicians—it provided both a predictable framework and the freedom to inject personal style and feeling into the music.

Blues started in America. It’s origins are traced back to the late 19th century in the Southern United Stater. It was created by African American musicians and influenced by precursors like ring shouts, work songs, and spirituals.1 Blues was the most popular music for Black Americans for a long period of time, before white people made the style commercially profitable and published (stole) the work of black artists. Blues is also famous for being grass-roots and there are many folktales about where it really started. The start, to me at least, is less important than it’s legacy among American (and non-American) music today.

So what artists have used the 12-bar blues to make their music?

Led Zeppelin uses the 12-bar blues in their song “Rock n Roll”.

Johnny Cash is a country singer who often uses the blues influence in his music.

In the movie The Little Mermaid the song “Kiss the Girl” uses the 12-bar blues.

This extremely popular song might not be thought of as part of the Blues genre by listeners, but it is certainly a blues song that uses the 12-bar blues progression.

John Mayer uses the 12-bar blues his song “Gravity”.

The 12-bar blues is not just a formula—it’s a framework for expressing a large range of deep emotions that  encapsulate the universal human experience. As long as musicians continue to innovate, adapt, and express themselves through song, the 12-bar blues will remain a key part of American popular music.

K.Dot v. Drizzy, a Fight for the Culture

On March 22nd, 2024 the track “Like That” was released by Future, Metro Boomin and Kendrick Lamar. Lamar escalated the existing feud between himself and hip hop mega-star and former child actor Aubrey Drake Graham. The two have a long history of collaboration and feuding stretching back over a decade; Drake gave Lamar of his first big breaks by having Lamar open for him on his 2012 tour.

Back when Drake and Kendrick were cool with each other : r/HipHopImages
Drizzy (left) and K.Dot (right) together in 2012

The back and forth between Drake and Lamar spanned several months in 2024. The timeline for the tracks are as follows:

Each track is worthy of discussing in its own right but the feud culminated in the track “Not Like Us” by Lamar. The track is a violent take down of both Drake and his label, OVO. THis was done with bars like “Say Drake I hear you like ’em young… Certified Lover Boy? Certified Pedophile.” Allegations of Drake’s inappropriate behavior with underage girls have circulated the internet for over a decade. A 2010 video has surfaced of 23 year old Drake inviting a fan on stage, kissing her neck, learning she is 17, saying “I can’t go to jail yet, Man” before kissing her neck again.

31-year-old Drake and 14-year-old Millie Bobby Brown have a weird  relationship
Aubrey Drake Graham (31) and Millie Bobby Brown (14)

Lamar’s second verse on “Not Like Us” makes a historical and cultural critique of the music industry by comparing the struggles of slavery to the exploitation of black artists by the music industry. Lamar posits that Drake perpetuates this exploitation by using Atlanta based artists like Future, Lil Baby, and 21 Savage to gain credibility and make money. He rejects Drakes claim to Atlanta with the bar “No, You not a colleague you a fucking colonizer.”

Drake and Kendrick Lamar’s 2024 beef appears from the outside to be two mega stars squabbling but by looking deeper into the context and the lyrics of both of these artists there is a much deeper meaning to be gained about the music industry and hip hop culture. For a better, if lengthy breakdown of the beef by black culture critic I highly recommend F.D Signifier’s video “I’m What the Culture Feeling.”

 “Mexilachian,” “Latingrass,” and “Appalatin”: The Holistic History of Appalachian Music

Often when we think of Appalachian music, we envision a white man sitting on his porch playing a banjo. In class we’ve discussed the commercial nature of this narrative that exists in our culture, as well as the work of Rhiannon Giddens, who has worked to counter these generalizations and lack of knowledge about the African American origins of bluegrass music from the Appalachian region. Sophia Enriquez, a professor and musicologist at Duke University, studies Latinx music in the Appalachian region and takes a deeper dive into the culture of music from the American south. 

 

As Appalachian folk music had been established and country began emerging as a popularized genre, Enriquez reminds us that Mexican ranchera music and country music did not develop independently of one another. The 1930s served as “The Golden Age” in Mexico, where cultural products such as movies and music began to define Mexican culture. This is reflected in the development of both ranchera music in Mexico and country music in the United States. The Carter Family is an emblematic example of the important mix of influences that constructed today’s Appalachian and country music, as well as Mexican ranchera and tejano music. The Carter Family, remembered for having helped develop the country canon, moved to Del Rio Texas in 1938 where their music was broadcasted twice a week by Mexican radio station XET, their music being consumed by both spanish and english speaking audiences. 

 

I invite you to listen to the following two clips, comparing the musicality of these two songs that were released in the 1930s: 

 

 

Latinx, especially Mexican migration to the U.S. sky-rocketed in the 1940s and 50s with Word War II, with migrant workers moving to agricultural areas such as North Carolina and Virginia. With this blend of cultures, there was inevitably a mix of musical influences that shaped these two genres during the peak of their popularization. 

Groups today, such as Lua Project based in Virginia, seek to commemorate and raise awareness for this cultural integration that has occurred across generations.  They intentionally represent this through the blend of Mexican ranchera and Appalachian style and instrumentation. Take a listen below: 

 

As we discuss American music and what it means for us today, it is important to critically consider all of the complexities that construct our musical traditions, and what communities we need to shift our attention towards in order to envelop all of the historical narratives that exist in our American history.

 

 

Enriquez, Sophia M., and Danielle Fosler-Lussier. “Canciones de Los Apalaches: Latinx Music, Migration, and Belonging in Appalachia.” Canciones de Los Apalaches: Latinx Music, Migration, and Belonging in Appalachia, Ohio State University, 2021.

Breaking Down the Barriers in High-Level Industries

In the Chicago Defender, there are many news articles. However, the one that stood out to me was about the achievements that black women made in America, published on December 27th, 1975. This article is filled with accomplished women who despite the odds, broke barriers in a plethora of different industries. Cecil Partee became president of the state senate was given the position of state attorney general by the Regular Democratic Organization. Joan F. Mosley became the first black woman to be given the role of senior attorney at the National Broadcasting Company. She also was an attorney for NBC starting in 1972. Anne E. Thompson, a court judge, became the prosecutor of the Mercer County in New Jersey. She was the first black woman to become a prosecutor in the US. Betty Lou Dotson was the director of the Office of Equal Opportunity for Action. Before this position, she was a civil rights executive with the US Department of Agriculture. Clarence Mitchell, who was the legislative chairman for NAACP, became one of the five US representatives in the United Nations. Joan Winn became the first black woman judge in Texas. US Representatives Cardiss Collins and Charles C. Diggs were invited to attend celebrations of independence for Mozambique, and were the only US representatives invited to do so. In Charleston, 6 of 12 city council seats were appointed to black people. Dorothy M. Pleasant was one of the first black women executives at the US Custom Services. Daniel James Jr. was the first black Commander in Chief of the North American Air Defense Command. Gloria M. Crawford joined the Board of Directors of the Bicentennial Committee for Educational Projects. All of these people are very inspiring. Despite the almost impossible odds set against them, they worked their way up to earn these high-level positions. It’s inspiring how much resilience and grit these women had, and I’m happy for them. However, it also speaks to a bigger issue, which is the lack of representation of black women in high-level positions. It should not be a big deal that a black woman is elected, it should instead be the norm. Diversity should exist in every high-level position, and hopefully as a society we can break down the barriers and discrimination of all kinds that exists.

American Teenager: Ethel Cain

Ethel Cain is the pseudonym of Hayden Silas Anhedönia, a singer song-writer with a cult following of mostly young liberal arts students. Her most famous project is her 2022 concept album “Preacher’s Daughter,” which as my friend Kaya said is “not really the right thing to listen to on a roadtrip at night.” The concept album ends with Ethel Cain being cannibalized by a lover. Throughout, it deals with themes of abuse, family secrets, religion, and the American landscape. Sonically, “Preacher’s Daughter” is a combination of ambient music, folk, and rock. The album can be seen as a consideration of the Southern Gothic Genre, with its themes of despair, depravity, and the haunting of the present by the past. It’s genuinely so beautiful— my favorite tracks are “American Teenager,” “Sun Bleached Flies,” and “Strangers.” 

The theological dimension of this work is also fascinating to me. The oft quoted line “God loves you, but not enough to save you,” well, I think that it’s very honest, especially in a case like Ethel Cain’s. She spends a portion of the album on the road with the man who will eventually murder her. She must have seen a hundred billboards with JESUS SAVES plastered on them. But Jesus doesn’t save Ethel from her horrific fate. How can the good God of American Evangelical Christianity, who offers peace, salvation, and is often said by televangelists to offer earthly prosperity etc. allow this horror? Cain’s suffering is often compared explicitly to Christ’s throughout the album. 

An analysis that would do theodicy and christology in “Preacher’s Daughter” justice is beyond the scope of this blogpost— however, I would like to examine the song “American Teenager. It is the most typical pop song on the album— it feels like it could have been written in 80s or 90s, with a catchy chorus, some sparkly synth, and an electric guitar part that sounds quite like Journey’s “Don’t Stop Believin’”  (at about 3:43-4:00 in American Teenager, at about 1:00-1:06 in Don’t Stop Believin’). I’ve never been on a highway and not had “Don’t Stop Believin’” come on the radio. Both songs evoke a peculiar feeling— the same feeling I get driving along the endless highways of the U.S. at once home and homesick: complete isolation, the particular derelict buildings outside my window are alien to me; but also a sense of comfortable familiarity, I’m sure I’ve seen them before. This paradox— total alienation as well as total identification is what allows “Preacher’s Daughter” to work. 

Cain said in a statement to Pitchfork that the track is deals with her frustration with the American Dream. Particularly interesting is this: “What they don’t tell you is that you need your neighbor more than your country needs you.” Which, of course is the opposite of what her character expresses in this song: “I don’t need anything from anyone/It’s just not my year/But I’m all good out here.” Still, the isolation isn’t complete: 

And I feel it there

In the middle of the night 

When the lights go out 

And I’m all alone again

[Or the second time through]  

When the lights go out

But I’m still standing here. 

There is both a conspicuous presence of something (I feel it there), but also absence of everything besides this, and Cain herself. The track features a lot of reverb, especially on the vocals, and I cannot help but think this is intentional: Cain is unable to fully break through her isolation. She is her own constant companion, and whatever other presence is there remains somewhat remote to her. In the chorus, she sings: “Say what you want, but say it like you mean it/With your fists for once.” She is seeking sincerity, but there is the troubling implication that the only way it could truly be expressed to her would be through violence. This is perhaps mirrored in the theology of the album: In “American Teenager,” she somewhat ironically prays “Jesus, if you’re listening let me handle my liquor/And Jesus, if You’re there/Why do I feel alone in this room with You?” But in the track “Ptolomea,” when Ethel Cain is murdered, we hear this blessing: “Blessed be the children/Each and every one come to know their god through some senseless act of violence.” I could start writing about the place of violence in Christian theology and what all this means… and I would like to. But I think for the sake of this blog post, I will have to leave my inquiry here (for now), with an anecdote. This fall, I attended a dance at my college and for some reason one of the DJs chose “American Teenager.” It struck me as strange, to pick a song from the concept album about cannibalism to get a room full of college students to dance, but there I was dancing. It was too loud for me, but I took out my earplugs anyway. By the end my cheeks were wet, and my mouth was open in a silent smiling scream with the lyrics. I had encountered something. Preacher’s Daughter is a sublime work—whatever presence Ethel Cain is feeling in the absence around her, I feel too and it is overwhelming.  

  



Quilting and Singing, Traditions Intertwined – A Shallow Deep-Dive

Exploring the Anacostia Community Museum (ACM) website, the colorful patterning and geometric shapes of the “African American Quilts” tab caught my attention. Without an initial intention of exploring the quilting page because there wasn’t an obvious connection to music, it came to my surprise when the first sentence of the collection description was a quote by Nettie Young:

‘Quilting is mostly like singing’

Nettie Young (1916-2010), a quiltmaker previously associated with Gee’s Bend quilting collective, created beautiful quilts from a young age to adulthood. Her quilts have been displayed and collected in museums such as the New Orleans Museum of Art, Virginia Museum of Fine Arts, and the Philadelphia Museum of Art. In her “About” page, Young describes her experience in quilting, how she came to learn about the artform by watching her mother take scraps of fabric and sew the fabric to create a larger piece of cloth, eventually forming it into a functional quilt. Young shares that whatever she saw, she could sew, and there was no need for her to use patterns:

“If I seen a dress or a quilt or something I liked,
I can make it. I just draw it out the way I want it.”

She pointedly states that the use of patterns in her sewing inhibited her creativity. I think it’s interesting to note that this way of learning and doing an art form seems freeform – Young reached into her mind’s eye to create clothing, quilts, art pieces from bits of fabric, and learned how to do so through, initially from what we know, observation and experience. This is similar to stories of musicians such as Louis Armstrong, who grew up initially exposed to music through his community and practitioners of jazz, to then growing up to become an incredible influence to jazz by effectively tweaking the way jazz was recorded and performed.

Fig. 1. “The Bricklayer”, “one of Nettie’s favorite quilt patterns” (Wikipedia, 2024)

Fueling my curiosity to seek a connection between music and quilting, I launched into a search on other databases and webpages to find audio recordings of quilting sessions; perhaps we’d hear some of the songs that are alluded to in the ACM African American Quilts description. In recordings about quilting on the Library of Congress, many quilters discussed the techniques or their experiences in quilting, and a few interviews discussed the experience of quilting in groups. In an interview with Fannie Lee Teals in Tifton, Georgia, she briefly mentions her mother singing while quilting when she first began to learn of the practice (19:00) :

‘Since I was a kid. I always would pay attention to anything
my mother would do. I would even pay attention to her songs,
you know, she would sing.”

Through this interview, we see again how quilting is cultural knowledge, passed down through observation from a young age, and additionally, we see that music is also, in some way, connected to quilting. Chris Clark, whose work such as The Saxophone Player and Grandma, is also featured in ACM’s African American Quilts exhibition, is another example of learning quilting through family, as he learned to quilt from his grandmother at the age of 33. 

Not able to successfully find recording sessions of group quilting sessions that featured the quilters singing or engaging in music, I opted to learn more about quilting, which seemed to be a tradition and practice handed down through family or community knowledge, much like how spirituals and hymns were passed down generation to generation orally. Exploring the History of African American Quilting, explores how quilting is embedded in African American history, particularly focusing on “Gee’s Bend” (officially known as Boykin), Alabama. Gee’s Bend was largely an isolated, small town where, the video claims, quilting initially took off in the US, beginning with the necessity and the practicality of creating quilts (providing warmth and as coded signs for enslaved people on the run), and eventually evolving to creating art pieces to display to fuel economic growth.

Wanting to explore the history of Gee’s Bend more as it seemed to be a central place of quilting in African American quilting history, I found Gee’s Bend Quilters’ Boykin, Alabama: Sacred Spirituals of Gee’s Bend, an album of spirituals sung by quilters and residents of Gee’s Bend, Mary Ann Pettway, China Pettway, Larine Pettway, and Nancy Pettway. These recordings may give us a glimpse into the music that may have been sung by African American quilters in community quilting sessions. They have also worked on or had their voices used in Jaimeo Brown’s self-named, avant-garde jazz album Jaimeo Brown Transcendence – Work Songs, fusing multiple musical forms: jazz, slave songs, work songs, Indian classical singing, country rock (?).

Though my search for quilting recording sessions was limited, I stumbled upon a documentary trailer of The Quilt, which uses quilting as an analogy to understand how African American music (such as jazz, the blues, gospel) in the US has transformed and built on one another throughout history. 

It’s clear that, like Black American music, quilting has a history and place in Black cultural history. The practices of music and sewing played a significant role in individuals and communities before and after the emancipation of enslaved people in the US. As both practices have been passed down from generation to generation, the reasons for creating music and quilts, as well as what their end products look and sound like, have evolved.

 

Works Cited

“Nettie Young.” Wikipedia, The Free Encyclopedia, Wikimedia Foundation, Inc. last updated September 16, 2024, https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Nettie_Young

The Story Behind a Custom Piano in a Museum

Madame Evanti’s Custom Built Fischer Piano. Evans-Tibbs collection, Anacostia Community Museum, Smithsonian Institution, gift of the Estate of Thurlow E. Tibbs, Jr.5

Madame Evanti’s Custom Built Fischer Piano is located at the Anacostia Community Library in Washington, DC. Now if you are anything like me you might have questions like: 

Who is Madame Evanti, and why is her piano special enough to be in a museum? What is the Anacostia Museum and why was it assigned for the blog posts this week?  

Anacostia Museum, which opened in 1967,1 is created for and about the community of Anacostia, a neighborhood in Southeast Washington, D.C. that is home to many influential artists and leaders. The museum does feature many important artifacts from the Anacostia community but has also branched out to incorporate a larger diaspora.

The goal of the museum is to interpret and celebrate African American history and culture.2 This means incorporating not only locally and regionally found expositions, but nationally and internationally as well. Because of this global and local lens, the museum has impressive features on the family archives of  19th-century African American locals and works from black DC artists.2 This archival work is reparative documentation of history that has previously been erased from history but is now story-telling of the east-of-the-river communities in DC that will be remembered and recognized. Starting with Madame Evanti. 

Portrait of Lillian Evanti made in Buenos Aires, Argentina, undated. Evans-Tibbs collection, Anacostia Community Museum, Smithsonian Institution, gift of the Estate of Thurlow E. Tibbs, Jr.6

Lillian Evanti is famous for being the first African American to sing in a professional European opera company.3 She was born in 1890 to a well-education and affluent African American Family in Washington D.C.. Due to her family status, she was fortunate enough to attend Howard University and graduated in 1907. She became composer, lyricist, and teacher but was limited in her professional opportunities due to discrimination. She moved to Europe and made her debut in Nice, France in 1924.4 Her success in Europe is impressive and historically significant, but it is not as heavily discussed as the great strides she afforded for the arts in America upon her interspersed returns home. 

Madame Evanti was a founding member of America’s National Negro Opera Company (NNCO).4 She starred as Violetta in the opening production staging of Verdi’s La Traviata. Throughout the 1930s, Evanti advocated for the establishment of cultural center in Washington for classical and contemporary music, drama and dance. Her labor, testifying to a congressional committee in advocacy for a national performing arts center, contributed to the creation of the Kennedy Center.4

Madame Evanti is also a good-will ambassador through the State Department.3 She traveled to Latin America to perform, but her travels inspired something bigger. Evanti was also a composer. Below is a recording of one of her compositions. Her song Himno Pan-Americano is an anthem of peace dedicated to the Pan-American Union (now known as the Organization for American States).3

So much history and story-telling to be told, and it was all behind a piano. 

Porgy and Bess: Is It Worth It to Perform?

 

Porgy and Bess: Is It Worth It to Perform?

In 1925, an opera portraying love, tragedy, and conmen was published. Needless to say, it was a major success in opera performance as it has been celebrated as “one of the most celebrated American operas,” running for only 124 performances, it has made lasting impact on American music for it’s iconic music such as  “Summertime”, and for it’s complex storyline. Although, the complex storyline based on a real man in the 1920s, Samuel Smalls, Can often be seen as a negative depiction of African-American culter and experiences. Although, black-owned newspapers and news outlets at the time raved heavily for the representation and storytelling depicted on the Broadway Stage. 

In an analysis of “Porgy Bess” done by Lawrence Starr, Starr argues that “Porgy and Bess” it is difficult to say that the intention of creating the musical was supposed to be a means of mocking and critcizim of the African American community, rather a means of telling a story based off of the novel “Porgy” by DuBose Heyward. Starr states in his article that this is important considering that there were never any outward statements about the oper being solely about “the Black People” but more an opera of “Black People”. This argument was further emphasized through Starr’s study of Bizet’s “Carmen” in which Bizet had very opinionated views on the “gypsies” in the musical” (pg. 26) Nevertheless, it is unfortunate that one of the most infamous American Operas is about African American characters complicated love stories, gambling, cheating, killing, and disability. This can also become complicated considering that the story and the the opera were both written through the lens of a white man, which can, raise questions and flags of appropriation. 

Although, at the time of it’s release and for some time after it’s debut on Broadway, Black owned press seemed to take a liking toward the opera and what it had done for black artists in the cast With the cast being an entirely black cast, this gave opportunities to black artists in which there would have not been an opportunity otherwise. In an article done by the Chicago Defender in 1942, Ethyl B. Wise focused on the children that were able to become involved within the musical as well as the amount of fun opportunities for the children within the musical. Wise states in the article, “Don’t you think it is grand that the actors including the children are all your people.” Although, this means we also need to take into consideration, (which Wise states in the article) that the children that are in the musical are also being exposed to a very mature  storyline, which raised concerns while the parents were on the road with their children. 

Although that the musical has been analyzed in both through negative connotations such as the the appropriation and black culture and the undermining nature of their life, the opera also offered plentiful opportunities for African-American performers in a time whic African-American performers were not seen in the limelight. 

 

Work Cited

 

WISE, ETHYL B. “Let’s Go Backstage with Eight Little Stars in ‘Porgy and Bess’: BILLIKENS HOLD SPOTLIGHT IN ‘PORGY AND BESS’.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Dec 05, 1942. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/lets-go-backstage-with-eight-little-stars-porgy/docview/492701821/se-2

 

Noonan, Marie Ellen. 2002. ““Porgy and Bess” and the American Racial Imaginary, 1925–1985.” Order No. 3048850, New York University. https://www.proquest.com/dissertations-theses/porgy-bess-american-racial-imaginary-1925-1985/docview/305540446/se-2

Starr, Lawrence. “Toward a Reevaluation of Gershwin’s Porgy and Bess.” American Music 2, no. 2 (1984): 25–37. https://doi.org/10.2307/3051656.

The Legendary Marian Anderson

What would you do if you were barred from a concert hall? Well, if you’re Marian Anderson then you go to a bigger and better venue. In 1939, the Daughters of the American Revolution’s Concert Hall barred Marian Anderson from performing due to racial discrimination. There had been a clause written into every contract issued by the Daughters of the American Revolution that instituted a white-only policy. Her response was to instead hold a concert at the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, DC.

Donnell Lewis’ 1990 Census Poster of the event

Initially invited to perform as a part of a concert series held by Howard University, they were hard-pressed to find a venue that would hold the sheer amount of people who wanted to watch her perform. She starts the concert with My Country ’Tis of Thee, and follows with two arias (Donizetti’s La Favorite, Schubert’s Ave Maria) and three spirituals (Gospel Train, Trampin’, and My Soul is Anchored in the Lord).

There is a lot to think about when looking at this event. There have been so many obstacles that have been put in front of black artist’s lives and careers based on racial discrimination. These performers often have to get creative in order to continue on, and that is how stories like these emerge.

Coat worn by Marian Anderson during the performance

Marian Anderson was denied a basic need for her concert solely based on the color of her skin and gave a performance at the Lincoln Memorial that is a true testament to her, and is one that will forever be remembered by the American people.

 

Works Referenced:

1990 Census Poster of Marian Anderson | Smithsonian American Women’s History. Accessed November 22, 2024. https://womenshistory.si.edu/object/1990-census-poster-marian-anderson:acm_2004.0014.0002.

Smithsonian Institution. “Get the Latest News from the Smithsonian.” Smithsonian Institution. Accessed November 22, 2024. https://www.si.edu/object/marian-andersons-fur-coat:acm_1992.0034.0001.

Stamberg, Susan. “Denied a Stage, She Sang for a Nation.” NPR, April 9, 2014. https://www.npr.org/2014/04/09/298760473/denied-a-stage-she-sang-for-a-nation.

Black musicians.

 

In the Chicago Daily Defender Blacks and music there was an article talking about a picture of a black girl playing the violin. The one part that stood out the most was that of the caption which was “many black students are capable of learning to play such instruments.” (Chicago Daily Defender, 17) A reader of this comment felt that as a black woman she found it sad that another black person had to say this. During these times racism was still an issue. The idea that certain groups of people could play the violin while others could not or did not possess the ability to was common back then.  This is still seen in modern circles today with the fact that most violin players in orchestras are that of white men. Even when they are not men and our women they still are a majority white. There is still work to be done so that the less represented minorities feel they can learn these instruments and be musicians who are just as important as the white musicians. Accessibility is also an issue that was a problem in the 198s and modern times. Instruments and teachers are expensive and also in the 1980s teachers  would only choose to instruct those who in their eyes were worthy . Oftentimes that was whites only and men only. The commenter also goes on to say that we should assume that there are as many black students as there are white students who have the ability to learn how to play these instruments. Making this statement that was made by the other author unnecessary. Finally the writer states how all blacks and all women should make it essential to get rid of the idea of sexist and racist out of their writing and thinking. This should not still be happening in our modern society but it is. We need to get rid of these motions that certain groups are better than others and that we all have the ability to grow and learn. That our outside appearance should have no factor on  whether or not we will succeed. We must work to get these biases and notions out of the system so that we can have equal opportunity for those whose voices and talents are shunned just because of the color of their skin. 

 

Bibliography

Fisher, Ida M. “From our Readers’: Blacks & Music.” Chicago Daily Defender (Daily Edition) (1960-1973), May 05, 1971. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/our-readers/docview/494328976/se-2.from our readers’; Black & music

The impact of Ellington

A 1948 article from the Chicago Defender describes how Duke Ellington and his orchestra had been industry standards for many years, and expresses remorse how a few days previously, they had broken up. This took me aback, as I was under the impression that the orchestra was continuously operated to this day, having seen modern recordings from the current Duke Ellington Orchestra.

This revelation prompted me to research a bit further, and as it turns out for several years following the second world war, the orchestra was downsized to an octet, following the norm of many other large jazz ensembles. Music tastes were shifting to prefer singers like Frank Sinatra, and jazz was now the best option for smaller clubs with smaller audiences. It was no longer financially viable for large orchestras to operate, as they were simply too expensive. Ellington continued to lose personnel the next few years, and had a decline in his career until his renowned performance at the 1956 Newport Jazz Festival, where a frenzied crowd and the concert extending well past the curfew led to Ellington’s revival and appearing on the cover of Time magazine.

In researching Ellington and reflecting on my own knowledge of the subject, I realized how much more I need to learn about jazz in order to truly appreciate it. I’ve been participation in jazz ensembles for 8 years, but I haven’t bothered to enrich myself in the history of the art. This class especially has helped, but as time goes on more and more people will inevitably forget how important these individuals from decades past were. Dr. Jefferson electing to have jazz 1 play a set that is entirely Ellington for the 150th anniversary concert at orchestra hall is a definite shift from almost all of my experiences in jazz bands, but the sheer impact that his music has had on nearly all jazz music since makes it a no-brainer to perform.

Works Cited

Britannica, T. Editors of Encyclopaedia. “Duke Ellington.” Encyclopedia Britannica, October 30, 2024. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Duke-Ellington.

“Jazz Giant Died when Ellington Band Broke Up: Dominated Jazz World 30 Years, and Remade Era.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Jun 19, 1948. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/jazz-giant-died-when-ellington-band-broke-up/docview/492732663/se-2.

Sohmer, Jack. “Duke Ellington: Ellington at Newport 1956 (Complete).” JazzTimes, June 26, 2024. https://jazztimes.com/reviews/albums/duke-ellington-ellington-at-newport-1956-complete/.

 

Black Swan Records

Black Swan Records was founded in 1921 by Harry Pace and W.C Handy. Based in Harlem, NY it was the first African American owned and operated record label in the United States. The company was formed with the explicit intention of creating music by and for African American consumers. Its first records included recordings of art songs sung by revella Hughes and blues sung by Katie Crippen.

Revella Hughes’ 1921 recording of At Dawning on Black Swan Records
Katie Crippen’s “Blind Man’s Blues” from Black Swan Records

The choice by Pace to record art songs was a philosophical choice. Pace met W.E.B Du Bois during his time at Atlanta University. Du Bois’ thought was incredibly influential on Pace throughout his life. Crucial to this was Du Bois’ idea of the ‘talented tenth,’ the idea that an elite 10 percent of the race produce the vast majority of the accomplishments and would be able to uplift the bottom 90% through their efforts. Our modern criticism of this idea aside it is clear that Harry Pace identified with Du Bois and his ideas very closely. His choice to record art songs on the first records was a purposeful attempt at respectability politics of the time.

Ethel Waters’ “Down Home Blues” on Black Swan Records

It was not, however, the art songs that would bring commercial success to the label. That would Be Ethel Waters with her record “Down Home Blues.” So called ‘hot’ records were not the goal of the company but would ultimately prove to be its savior when Ethel Waters went on a tour of southern cities with the “Black Swan Troubadours” in 1921. Unfortunately, the good times would not roll and Black Swan could not keep up with the increasing amount of records of black artists put out by larger white labels such as Paramount and Columbia. The Label declared bankruptcy in December of 1923 and was bought by Paramount by March of 1924.

Black Swan Records had a relatively short existence of about 3 years. Despite that small amount of time the impact the label had on recordings of African American music was incredible. Without this record company it would have taken much longer for the larger white labels to realize the commercial opportunity that was available.

I highly recommend the podcast series “The Vanishing of Harry Pace.” It goes much deeper into the story of Black Swan Records and Harry Pace as an individual.

Bibliography

“BLACK SWAN RECORDS: NEW CORPORATION ANNOUNCES FIRST LIST OF PRODUCTIONS–FILLS LONG FELT WANT.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), May 07, 1921. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/black-swan-records/docview/491888074/se-2.

“Display Ad 27 — no Title.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), May 07, 1921. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/display-ad-27-no-title/docview/491880278/se-2.

Gilles, Nellie. “Radio Diaries: Harry Pace And The Rise And Fall Of Black Swan Records.” NPR, July 1, 2021, sec. The Sounds of American Culture. https://www.npr.org/2021/06/30/1011901555/radio-diaries-harry-pace-and-the-rise-and-fall-of-black-swan-records.

The Regal Theater: Then and Now

“Built to serve citizens of all races,” the Regal Theater in downtown Chicago was a sight to behold in 1928. Styled with Moorish architecture – which if you didn’t know is a type of Islamic architecture – it was complete with a canopy overhead, a hydraulic curtain, and an electric organ that could rise and fall at the front of the stage.

“Drawing of the Regal Theater. Chicago Defender, 1927”

Throughout the years, this theater was used for many performances, covering diverse forms of music, dance, and comedy, including an orchestra well known for playing at a Show Boat cafe in downtown Chicago. 

“Cass Simpson’s “Radio Orchestra,” Chicago Defender, 1931”

This venue was also important to the time known as the “Chitlin’ Circuit” which housed performances by many well-known artists like Ella Fitzgerald, Nat “King” Cole, Louis Armstrong, and Duke Ellington between 1920 and 1940. The Regal Theater was a major influence on black culture, as it was one of the first entertainment buildings open to black audiences. 

“The Regal Theater, Library of Congress, 1941”

With the development of technology like radio and television, the Regal Theater filed for bankruptcy and shut down in 1968, but it wasn’t over yet. The Avalon Theater opened within a year of the Regal Theater in 1927 but operated solely as a movie theater until it closed in 1967. After a few years, it was bought and refurnished in honor of the original Regal Theater, and renamed “The New Regal Theater.” You’ll note below how these renovations look similar to the first image in this post.

“The New Regal Theater, Chicago Architecture Center”

Sources:

Paul Robeson and Ol’ Man River

Ol’ Man River is a song that has been performed many times, analyzed, and critiqued for its lyrical depth and cultural significance. While exploring archives of the Chicago Defender, I came across a 1936 article about the film Showboat, titled: Paul Robeson Makes Film ‘Showboat’ One of Finest1.

August 8th, 1936

The article offers a broad summary of the film, highlighting a few of the actors and key scenes. Notably, it praises Robeson’s vocal performance, describing his voice as:

“His deep vibrant voice ringing above the din of noise, the blare of music, the harmony of voices, fills the listener’s ears and hearts with gladness.”

The description of his vocal quality is vivid and reverent, capturing the power of Robeson’s performance. However, it glosses over the song’s lyrical content and deeper implications. Given that the article was published just three months after the film’s premiere, one might expect some discussion of the song’s meaning, especially in the context of race and labor. It simultaneously reminds us of its perceivedness during a different time. 

The article does briefly touch on the presence of Black characters in the film, stating:

“Pictures portraying the South are incomplete without the richness and colorful figure of the Negro. He is an integral part of the land of toil, deeply and firmly entrenched.”

Yet this framing reduces the portrayal of Black characters to a scenic element rather than addressing their narratives or the systemic struggles they represent. The lack of critique is understandable, as the article is descriptive rather than analytical, but it shows how the significance of Ol’ Man River, a song central to the film, was overshadowed.

In following performances, Robeson himself addressed this oversight by altering the lyrics of Ol’ Man River to reflect his evolving understanding of Black identity and resistance2. In 1938, for example, Robeson made changes that transformed the song’s tone:

Instead of the original: “Dere’s an ol’ man called de Mississippi, / Dat’s de ol’ man that I’d like to be…”

Robeson sang: “There’s an ol’ man called the Mississippi, / That’s the ol’ man I don’t like to be…”

Similarly, he replaced: “Ah gits weary / An’ sick of tryin’; / Ah’m tired of livin’ / An’ skeered of dyin’; / But Ol’ Man River, / He jes’ keeps rolling along!”

with: “But I keeps laffin’ / Instead of cryin’; / I must keep fightin’; / Until I’m dyin’; / And Ol’ Man River, / He’ll just keep rollin’ along!”

Through these changes, Robeson reimagined the song as a declaration of perseverance and resistance.

1 Berry, Tommy. “Paul Robeson Makes Film ‘Showboat’ One of Finest.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Aug 08, 1936. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/paul-robeson-makes-film-showboat-one-finest/docview/492501551/se-2.

Lennox, Sara. “Reading Transnationally: The GDR and American Black Writers.” In Art Outside the Lines: New Perspectives on GDR Art Culture, edited by Elaine Kelly and Amy Wlodarski, 111–30. Brill, 2011. http://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1163/j.ctv2gjwvkc.10.

 

Woodstock: The Music of a Generation

In 1969, there was a massive gathering of young people from around the United States in the small town of Bethel, New York, on an old man’s dairy farm. This was, of course, Woodstock. American teens and young adults came from all over to hear groups like Canned Heat, Crosby, Stills, Nash & Young, Santana, Sly and the Family Stone, and many more. Naturally, the organizers of Woodstock were intent on recording it, as when else could so many incredibly artists be heard in one place?

The Album Cover of Woodstock: Music from the Original Soundtrack and More

Woodstock was a culmination of the American Counterculture movement of the 1960s, a large part of which was promoting peace and love as opposed to the stark contrast of the Vietnam War going on at the time. Many of the songs on the Album have themes of America, notably Jimi Hendrix’s performance of the Star Spangled Banner, and some form of, to quote School of Rock, “Sticking it to the Man”. The festival was also notably chaotic, with the record featuring, on Side three, immediately after “With A Little Help From My Friends”, performed by Joe Cocker, “Rainstorm, Crowd Sounds, Announcements, & General Hysteria”. There was also a “Crowd Rain Chant”, in which there was a lot of percussion and yelling, and shouting of “Peace! Peace! Peace!”, which was an interesting form of protest to me, as the civil rights movement, at the time, was marked by events such as the assassination of Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. the year before, and the black student protests at various universities around the nation.

This entire album could be classified as protest music. The music of Woodstock is strongly connected by themes of peace, Patriotism, and protest. Especially at a time when the Vietnam war was becoming increasingly and increasingly unpopular. At the same time, the Southern Civil Rights Movement was coming to a close after the Assassination of Rev. Dr. King. There were many things to protest. So, the attendees of Woodstock chose to protest everything.

 

Hendrix, Jimi, et al. Woodstock. Cotillion, 1970.

Earl Calloway’s Music Review

Music critics are a unique source as they show insight on how the audience perceived the performance at that point in history. Combined with general knowledge of the time period, they are incredibly useful to historians and musicologists. Earl Calloway wrote a multitude of music reviews for the “Chicago Daily Defender” beginning in 19631
. This specific review is on the Chicago Symphony’s performance of “Symphony No. 4 ‘Altitudes’”. This piece was composed in 1964 by French composer Jean Martinon.

This is the first half of Earl Calloway’s published Music Review.

This is the second half of Earl Calloway’s published Music Review.

2

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

This music review is especially revealing of the audience reaction because Calloway begins by comparing the audience’s positive reaction with the generally negative one in the previous century. This reaction was in reference to new music as opposed to orchestras playing beloved classics. Calloway moves on to Martinson’s piece and attributes each of the three movements to the title’s theme of nature as well as an aspect of God. It is unclear how religious the piece was supposed to be in regards to what Martinon wanted. The final movement is called “the crossing of the Gods” and there are references to nature and the world at large(words like “stars” and “garden”), so there is an assumption of a spirituality present that could be made. The blatant portrayal of religion towards a general audience is a cultural norm that is not as present in modern day performances. 

At the end of his review, Calloway explains that the piece was inspired by themes and variations of Frederick Stock and that “Altitudes” was a memorial to him. This provides evidence that the audience of the time held a value of memorial and legacy and the artistic talents of composers.

This is a recording of the Jean Martinon’s “Symphony No. 4” . While it is not the Chicago Symphony, it gives an idea of some of the musical ideas Calloway was referencing in his review.
References:

1“Earl Calloway’s Biography.” The HistoryMakers, www.thehistorymakers.org/biography/earl-calloway-39. Accessed 21 Nov. 202

2 Calloway, Earl. “Music Reviews: MARTINON’S SYMPHONY HIGHLIGHTS ORCHESTRA’S JUBILEE CELEBRATION.” Chicago Daily Defender (Daily Edition) (1960-1973), Jan 12, 1966, https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/music-reviews/docview/494213409/se-2. Accessed November 21, 2024.

 

Where did he come from? Where did he go?

Every American who went to a school dance is most likely familiar with the dance floor classic, “Cotton Eye Joe.” Everyone is always asking, where did he come from? Where did he go? But who really was Cotton Eye Joe? What is the history of the song?

This link will take you to a rendition of the folk song “Cotton Eye Joe”

“Cotton Eye Joe” has a very complicated history, rooted in the common issue of songs appropriating African American culture. The song itself began as a folk song in the American South in the 1800’s.1 The original song and lyrics were stated to be a caricature of enslaved people on Southern plantations.2 The song itself has had multiple, all racist, variations. One depicts a black man coming to town and stealing people’s wives.2 In multiple other versions he is described as a slave who is owned by the narrator of the song. One version has a morbid detail which states that Joe made a fiddle out of his dead son’s coffin.3 The word “cotton-eye” itself refers to the idea that Joe may have been drunk on moonshine, or was a highlight of the contrast between dark skin and white eyes.1

“Cotton Eye Joe” almost faded into obscurity, until 1994 when the Swedish techno group, Rednex, created a remix of the song. They reformed the lyrics to get rid of the racist elements and instead make it about a woman being entranced with and running away with Cotton Eye Joe.3 In the music video, the band members dressed up like stereotypical hillbillies, and claimed to be “rescued from an uncivilized village in Idaho and taken to Sweden to discover their passion for music.”1 After receiving backlash from Southern American audiences, the members of the group stated that they thought the redneck image was compatible with the feeling of the music–raw, energetic, simple, and party.1

The complex history of the song illustrates how music with racist themes are so intrinsically entwined with American music.


Sources:

1 – https://americansongwriter.com/the-meaning-behind-cotton-eye-joe/

2 – https://www.fcsgw.org/cotton-eyed-joe/

3 – https://www.huffpost.com/entry/cotton-eyed-joe-origins_n_55b8ffade4b0a13f9d1b1b15

The Sculpting of an American Genre: Florence Price’s Legacy

Florence B. Price, a black female American composer, was a successful composer in her lifetime, winning the Wanamaker Foundation Award in 1932 for her Symphony No. 1 in E minor and her Piano Sonata in E minor. The following year, the Chicago Symphony Orchestra performed her symphony. In 1939, her arrangement on “My Soul’s Been Anchored in the Lord” was performed at the Lincoln Memorial Concert in Washington, D.C. Amongst all of these achievements and thus recognition of her talent, her success was still limited by the discrimination and lack of legitimacy that she received based on her race and gender.

In 1941, Florence Price wrote a letter to Russian american composer Serge Koussevitzky, in efforts to request a performance with the Boston Symphony Orchestra, of which Koussevitzky was the music director. In her letter, she expresses her credentials as an American composer, stating: 

“After graduating from the New England Conservatory I returned to my native South to teach. I have an accumulation of scores and manuscripts which during the past few years here in Chicago I have been bringing to light with the result– several performances. Having Colored blood in my veins, and having been born in the South, I believe I can say that I understand real Negro music as well if not better than the kind I studied in the East… Having read that you are particularly interested in American music I am hoping you will give something of mine a trial.” 

This was the first of several correspondences to Koussevitzky, of which he never responded. In 1941, the Boston Symphony Orchestra performed strictly white male compositions, such as Tchaikovsky, Pierné, Sibelius, and interestingly, Gershwin’s Rhapsody in Blue. This presents an interesting conversation, considering the topic of an American genre, and what those ideals entailed during Koussevitzky’s time as a conductor and music director. In Price’s correspondence, she explicitly states that her positionality as a black woman allows her to distinguish “real Negro music,” and offers him an opportunity to present “a fusion of [antebellum music and rag-time and jazz that proceeded], colored by present cultural influences.” Yet, the same year, Rhapsody in Blue was composed by white male composer George Gershwin was programmed at the BSO, demonstrating jazz and blues influences in a classical context but representing the prioritization of white male artistry. This seems to be reflective of the deliberate actions that were being taken during this time to sculpt an image of American classical music. While black music styles like jazz and blues were infiltrating the classical music scene, it was only being attributed an “American music” that excluded talents like Florence Price based on gender and race. 

Florence Price’s Quartet for Strings premiered at the Boston Symphony Orchestra in the 2016-2017 season, and her works have been performed there nearly every year since. One can hope that we are carving a new sculpture of who is encompassed in the American genre. 

 

Martin, Roland. 2023. “Florence Price | Composer, Pianist, Symphony, & Biography | Britannica.” Www.britannica.com. October 25, 2023. https://www.britannica.com/biography/Florence-Price.

“Performance History Search.” 2014. Bso.org. 2014. https://archives.bso.org/Detail.aspx?UniqueKey=79913.

“Image 3 of Letter from Florence B. Price to Serge Koussevitzky; 1941 September 18.” 2015. The Library of Congress. 2015. https://www.loc.gov/resource/musska.musska-100182/?sp=3&st=image&r=-1.305.

 

“Way Down Home” and Barbershop

The Library of Congress’ “National Jukebox” collection holds an abundance of songs from the 1920s that did not seem to surpass the test of time as there is a lack of evidence for many of these songs in the corners of the internet. The recording I looked at here is “Way Down Home” from 1925. The following is what I could understand of the lyrics. The dashes represent words I couldn’t quite make out.  1

I never felt so happy
I never so gay
I never felt so much like smiling at the —– this very day
I’m gonna roam back yonder
Among the fields of green(of green)
I’ll soon be on my way to heaven
Don’t you know where I mean?
I mean way down home

I’d rather be there(I’d rather be there)
In a rocking chair(In a rocking chair)
Where someone all alone
Will kiss and caress me
To a hearty —–
We’ll smile for money
I declare
I’d be a —- millionaire
With all the — waiting there

Waiting there(waiting there)
On my knees I’m ready to swear
Way down home
I’ll wait from way down home

I ain’t forgotten about the corn and the cotton in the fields —-
Way down yonder
That’s where I wonder wonder
That’s the end of perfect day

I want to listen to the tune I’ve been missing
With a sail of of —- bay
I want to buckle to my sweet honey suckle
When the preacher comes our way

I mean home
Way down home
I’d rather be there(I’d rather be there)
In a rocking chair(In a rocking chair)
Where someone all alone
Will kiss and caress me
To a hearty —-

We’ll smile for money
I declare
I’d be a —- millionaire
With all the — waiting there

Waiting there(waiting there)
On my knees I’m ready to swear
I’ll never walk away from my home, my home
My sweet home, my home
My sweet home, my home
Way from way down home
Way from way down home
Down home

The song was written by Walter Donaldson and performed by a quartet called the Shannon Four: Franklyn Baur, Wilfred Glenn, Lewis James, and Elliott Shaw. Later the group changed their name to “The Revelers”. 2The first thing that stood out to me was the exceptionally positive lyric choices. This contrasts the fact that the speakers are not in the place they are longing to be(home). It is possible that the exceptional positivity comes from the chord structure as well. Much of the piece is in a major key with predictably major chord progressions. Maybe it is the thought of home that maintains the speaker’s joy. This makes the last line especially stand out as a switch to minor. The song also doesn’t offer a solution to the sad ending, possibly as a point to the lack of homelessness.

Considering the time period and the fact that the performers and composer are all white, it can easily be assumed that the intended audience was also white. However, the tradition of barbershop quartets stem from a combination of Black American musical styles and white American musical styles.

 

1 Donaldson, Walter, Walter Donaldson, Franklyn Baur, Shannon Four, Elliott Shaw, Wilfred Glenn, and Lewis James. Way Down Home. 1925. Audio. https://www.loc.gov/item/jukebox-711535/.

2 Hoffmann, Frank, ed. Encyclopedia of Recorded Sound. Oxford: Taylor & Francis Group, 2004. Accessed November 15, 2024. ProQuest Ebook Central.

Turner’s turn in the spotlight

Turner Layton was an American composer and pianist that was a part of Layton and Johnstone, a duo that had immense popularity in Europe in the 1920s and 30s. Before his transition to a performer overseas, he was a composer for several years in New York, often working with Henry Creamer for lyrics. One of their more notable compositions was “After you’ve gone”, with several recordings by big names, including Louis Armstrong, Duke Ellington, and Bing Crosby. One of the original 1918 recordings with Marion Harris is below.

Even with the most popular performers recording his compositions and tens of millions of records sold of his own performances, Layton is a fairly unknown name in that era of music (I had not heard of him until this post). Part of that may be his location; after Layton and Johnstone ended their professional relationship in 1935, Layton stayed in Europe the rest of his life, where he continued to find solo success until his retirement in 1946.

My biggest question is why he has continued to stay out of the figurative spotlight. There are still notable recordings of his songs being made today, such as “After you’ve gone” appearing on Hugh Laurie’s 2011 album “Let Them Talk”. Even while overseas, Layton obviously still had an effect on the American music scene, but seems to have lost the notoriety that some of his peers have maintained or even gained. A question lost to time is how different American music would have been if he had found greater success here than across the pond, and stayed in the front of American musical tastes.

Bourdon, R., Harris, M., Creamer, H. & Layton, T. (1918) After You’ve Gone
. [Audio] Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/jukebox-313413/.

Still’s Innovations and Contradictions

William Grant Still is widely recognized as the first African American composer to conduct a professional symphony orchestra in the United States, and for his work Symphony No. 1, “Afro-American” (1930)1. As we’ve discussed in this course, understanding musicians’ journeys often involves tracing back through their experiences and influences to see what shaped them musically. I was first introduced to Still’s work in high school through Danzas de Panama, which sparked an interest that led me into the archives. There, I discovered the correspondence between Still and music critic/pianist Irving Schwerke, offering a glimpse into his planning and creative process2.

Below is a letter from Still to Schwerke, written in 19313

July 29, 1931.
William Grant Still to Irving Schwerké

Just a few months before this letter, Still had written to Schwerké with specific requests for an upcoming performance of Africa, detailing instructions like executing fingernail pizzicato on the piano and using certain mutes for the brass instruments. Their correspondence went back and forth, especially concerning the availability of these particular mutes. While these details may seem minor, they are crucial in recognizing how rare it was at that time for composers of color to receive such performance opportunities. 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=WAZByrG1dE0

In exploring more about Still’s exchanges with Schwerké, I came across a class blog post from 2019 by Siri Mellem, which highlights how composers’ statements and experiences, particularly looking at those of Still, are often complex and layered4. As the first African American composer to have works performed, an opera produced by a major American company, and even televised, Still’s achievements as a person of color were highly significant. I could see what Mellem meant by complex when reading the letter above, and reading: “I agree with you as to the origin of American Music. As I see it, the music of the American Negro has resulted from the union of the religious songs you mentioned and the primitive songs of Africa.”  The idea of the melting pot is present here, though it makes me wonder how much thought Still must have put to the idea of American music and how his identity as one of the first prominent conductors of color may have influenced this view.

I was also reminded of the challenges Still faced as an artist of color while working with large networks and companies. For instance, when Deep River moved to NBC, he was not allowed to conduct because network policy prohibited Black conductors from leading predominantly white orchestras. However, when the program eventually moved to CBS, Still was given the opportunity to conduct. He later recalled, “There were many surprised faces as I mounted the podium, but at the end of the rehearsal, we were friends5.” This experience illustrates both the barriers he encountered and his skillful navigation of them.

This aspect of Still’s approach to his career, his careful wording and strategic positioning, seems similar to the approach of Eileen Southern, who also balanced careful self-presentation to fit within the established system. Both exemplify how artists of color have historically had to make thoughtful choices in how they communicate and operate within predominantly white institutions to have their voices heard and their contributions recognized.

1 Thomas, Mike. “Decades after his death, William Grant Still receives his moment in the sun,” Chicago Symphony Orchestra, Jan 4, 2019, https://cso.org/experience/article/2899/decades-after-his-death-william-grant-still-r#:~:text=Still%2C%20the%20first%20African%20American,in%20late%2018th%2Dcentury%20Haiti.

2 Mellem, Siri. “The Complex Contradictions of William Grant Still.” Music 345: Race, Identity, and Representation in American Music (blog). WordPress. Oct 24, 2019. https://pages.stolaf.edu/americanmusic/2019/10/24/the-complex-contradictions-of-william-grant-still/

3 Still, William Grant. Letter to Irving Schwerké. “The Bad Homburg Festival of American Music ,” July 29, 1931. https://publishing.cdlib.org/ucpressebooks/view?docId=ft1h4nb0g0&chunk.id=d0e8217&toc.depth=1&toc.id=d0e7410&brand=ucpress.

4 William Grant Still and Judith Anne Still, My Life, My Words: The Autobiography of William Grant Still, American Master Composer (Flagstaff, AZ: The Master-Player Library, 2011).

5 William Grant Still and Judith Anne Still, My Life, My Words: The Autobiography of William Grant Still, American Master Composer (Flagstaff, AZ: The Master-Player Library, 2011), 213.

The new look of the 30s

The 1930s were a much different time than today. There was progress being made in lots of different areas in America. Especially when it came to automobile developments The 1920s had ended and a new decade began.  The 1930s were known for a few things but the ones that most people remember are jazz, the dust bowl, and the great depression. Things in America were becoming more developed but there also were still uses of older technology to get work done and in this image that is shown. We see that on the left they are talking about the difference of automobile design from the 1920s vehicles and the 1930s vehicles. How the 1920 vehicles had characteristics of more square shapes. Along with flat windshields, a more square body and overall looked more squared. The vehicle from the 1920s shows that of a tour bus that was in this style. We then see the new look of the 30s. This is a president model Studebaker. A name that just resonates new and fancy. It has a more streamlined design and different headlight design, and more round parts to its body style. It gives the atmosphere of flight and speed which contrasts the bus from 1920. To further contrast these two designs we see a group of men working to clear fords. They are using a horse-drawn wagon and according to the details it is in Rock Creek Park.  This was in Washington D.C in 1930. This contrast in this image was also reflected in the classes in America. The rich and wealthy were also mostly white individuals. Got to experience the new and luxurious while the lower classes had to struggle to survive. The great depression started and this further made these imbalances grow. All of this is still seen in modern times with the fact that class imbalances between people are still occurring. The wealthy white upper classes get to enjoy the luxuries and benefits of the higher class society. The lower classes which are made up of the minorities often.  Struggling and having to deal with discrepancies in even basic rights makes it so they have to fight multiple battles to just make ends meet. 

mdp-39015003875757-202-1731707996

 

Shaw, Renata V, and Renata V Shaw. A Century of Photographs, 1846-1946 : Selected from the Collection of the Library of Congress. Washington, D.C: The Library, 1980. mdp-39015003875757-202-1731707996

Casey Jones: Better Watch His Speed

When we discussed the song “Casey Jones” in class, I had only known it as a Grateful Dead song about a railroad accident, one I assumed was fictional. However, I soon came to find that it was a very real event, and that Casey Jones was a real railroader who became a folk legend after his passing.

I found a recording of Casey Jones from the Library of Congress’s National Jukebox. It was recorded by Riley Puckett singing and playing guitar. Riley Puckett was a blind guitarist and singer who operated largely out of Atlanta, and was fairly popular. His rendition of Casey Jones, like most covers, stray from the original lyrics of the song. His cover tells less of the actual rail incident, choosing rather to focus more on the events after the crash than the events preceding the crash and the crash itself. Truthfully, I found it quite hard to actually make out the lyrics, but I could tell they were different than the published song lyrics by T. Lawrence Seibert, who is the accredited lyricist on the Library of Congress website.

The Ballad of Casey Jones became an extremely popular folk tune after the crash itself. Joe Hill, a famous union activist and martyr wrote a parody of Casey Jones, making him out to be a scabber who died scabbing, scabbed in heaven, and got thrown into hell by the angel unions. Funny stuff! However, the real Casey Jones was a member of two unions, the Brotherhood of Locomotive Firemen and the Brotherhood of Locomotive Engineers, according to the Water Valley Casey Jones Museum.

When looking at this song, one has to think about why a song becomes a folk song. In this case, it was at least copyrighted and offered for sale as a “Comedy Railroad Song”, which suggests that the intent of at least Seibert and Newton was to entertain for profit. The published version includes a verse suggesting Mrs. Jones’ lack of faithfulness to her husband, but I’ve rarely heard this verse performed, and it isn’t performed in Puckett’s recording. The original intent of the song was likely to respect and preserve Casey’s memory.

“057.048 – Casey Jones. The Brave Engineer. Greatest Comedy Hit in Years. The Only Comedy Railroad Song. | Levy Music Collection.” Jhu.edu, 2024, levysheetmusic.mse.jhu.edu/collection/057/048. Accessed 15 Nov. 2024.

“Casey Jones.” The Library of Congress, www.loc.gov/item/jukebox-673150/.

Lomax, John A. (John Avery), et al. American Ballads and Folk Songs. Dover, 1994.

“Mrs. Casey Jones.” Archive.org, 2024, web.archive.org/web/20131105011815/www.watervalley.net/users/caseyjones/mrs~cj.htm. Accessed 15 Nov. 2024.

Aloha ‘Oe: A Story of Stolen Sovereignty

While looking through the Library of Congress’ National Jukebox collection, one song that caught my eye was “Aloha Oe.” Specifically, it caught my eye because the composer listed was Lili’uokalani, who I  know as the last sovereign monarch of Hawaii, and who was removed from power by a coup orchestrated by the US government. Queen Lili’uokalani is a fascinating historical figure; she worked tirelessly for the sovereignty of the Hawaiian people even during her imprisonment after the overthrow. She was also a prolific composer and poet, mainly writing in the style of mele ho’oipoipo, which are love songs that incorporate nature metaphors. Looking through translations of songs she wrote, I think that some undoubtedly would fit into any collection of protest songs. 

“Aloha Oe” is one of Lili’uokalani’s most well known songs… Some people may recognize this tune from “Lilo and Stitch” or Johnny Cash’s recording. The version below (sorry, you have to click to view on YouTube) was recorded by four famous Hawaiian musicians and was used in a TV special about the Hawaiian sovereignty movement. The lyrics of this song convey a lover’s goodbye, but it has been interpreted to represent the farewell of a queen to her country; a lament for the loss of Hawaiian sovereignty. 

Haʻaheo ka ua i nā pali
Proudly swept the rain by the cliffs
Ke nihi aʻela i ka nahele
As it glided through the trees
E hahai (uhai) ana paha i ka liko
Still following ever the bud
Pua ʻāhihi lehua o uka
The ʻahihi lehua* of the vale

Aloha ʻoe, aloha ʻoe
Farewell to you, farewell to you
E ke onaona noho i ka lipo
The charming one who dwells in the shaded bowers
One fond embrace,
A hoʻi aʻe au
'Ere I depart
Until we meet again

ʻO ka haliʻa aloha i hiki mai
Sweet memories come back to me
Ke hone aʻe nei i kuʻu manawa
Bringing fresh remembrances of the past
ʻO ʻoe nō kaʻu ipo aloha
Dearest one, yes, you are mine own
A loko e hana nei
From you, true love shall never depart

Maopopo kuʻu ʻike i ka nani
I have seen and watched your loveliness
Nā pua rose o Maunawili
The sweet rose of Maunawili
I laila hiaʻai nā manu
And 'tis there the birds of love dwell
Mikiʻala i ka nani o ka lipo
And sip the honey from your lips

*A flowering plant, I highly recommend reading more about the cultural context in this handout from the Hawai‘i Forest Institute & Hawai‘i Forest Industry Association. 

The recording I found in the National Jukebox is performed by the Toots Paka Hawaiian Company. The Toots Paka Hawaiian Company was a popular group of the “hula craze” around the 1920’s. Toots Paka was a vaudeville hula dancer, who claimed Hawaiian heritage. Listen to the recording here:

While it is impossible to definitively confirm Toots’s training in hula/ Hawaiian heritage, census records show that she was born Hannah Jones in Port Huron, Michigan, and that she began dancing under the stage name Tootsie Jones. She seemingly got into performing hula when she married one of the performers of the Hawaiian Glee Club, “a group of Kānaka Maoli musicians who were touring the mainland as a novelty band performing both innovative and traditional Hawaiian music and steel guitar shows” (Gentry). The act evolved into “Toots Paka Hawaiian Company,” with their advertising centering around Toots and her physical beauty. In interviews, Toots perpetuates colonial ideas of the unending youthfulness of Hawaiian women and an Edenic image of Hawaii, and she undoubtedly used a caricature of Hawaiian culture to her advantage in building an entertainment career. However, Gentry writes that one of things that makes Toots Paka interesting among vaudeville hula performers is her true proximity to Kānaka Maoli musicians; they performed in the Hawaiian language, and as I mentioned before, Aloha ‘Oe is certainly a meaningful song. In contrast, some performers at this time used a “Hawaiian Ragtime” style and blatantly nonsense lyrics.

The National Jukebox recording has some similarities to the version performed by Israel Kamakawiwoʻole and company. They are slow in tempo, use stringed instruments, and harmonies that sound somewhat similar. However, the message and purpose of the songs in context are very different: one recording continues a long tradition of commodification, while the other offers a more reflective view on the injustice that Native Hawaiians have endured. 

Bibliography

“Aloha Oe.” Accessed November 14, 2024. https://www.huapala.org/Aloha/Aloha_Oe.html.

Gentry, Briand. ““More Hawaiian than Hawaii itself”: The Hula Craze and US Empire in the Progressive Era.” Feminist Media Histories 9, no. 4 (Fall, 2023): 81-107. Doi: https://doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2023.9.4.81. https://www.proquest.com/scholarly-journals/more-hawaiian-than-hawaii-itself/docview/3112827257/se-2.

Liliʻuokalani Trust. “Her Story.” Accessed November 13, 2024. https://onipaa.org/her-story.

Toots Paka Hawaiian Company. Aloha Oe. New York, New York, 1914. https://www.loc.gov/item/jukebox-650171/.

 

 

Show Boat Was a REAL Boat

Over the century since Hammerstein and Kern wrote the musical Show Boat, discussions of its importance, influence, and problematic aspects have been studied and discussed by scholars everywhere. It is undeniable that the show has made a huge impact on the musical theater industry, with it being the first integrated show, as well as being one of the first shows to speak on more controversial topics instead of just being a spectacle. At first glance, any audience member may expect a love story between the two main characters, or a story about a family owning a show boat.3 However, it also tells the story of the racial and class tensions at that time, highlighting the life and struggles of a black ensemble alongside a white one. The musical aspect helped with this. Hammerstein took care to write lyrics that were deeply seeped in the perspectives of individual characters, with their hopes, dreams, regrets, and longings illustrated.3 One of the most famous songs from the show, “Ol’ Man River,” is a particularly great example of this, with it having had profound reactions from white audiences of the time. Paul Robeson, who played the role of Joe in the original show, recognized what it could do, even as he revised the lyric to give the lie to any notion of Black passivity in the face of suffering. For his own concerts, Robeson was known to adjust a few key words, shifting the focus from singing about resigned weariness to voice a commitment to fighting for justice for racialized and working-class people.3

While the way the racial plot points were portrayed in Show Boat were insensitive, there is still much to be said about how it commented on something very real. Show Boat was written just over one year, and was based off of a best selling novel by Edna Ferber. Ferber herself was inspired by a real show boat, pictured below.

The boat which inspired Ferber’s novel, Show Boat

The original name of the Show Boat is the James Adams Floating Theatre, and was originally located in North Carolina, as opposed to Mississippi where the book is set.4 It was staffed with a 25 person crew, who were African Americans.5 Shown below is a photo of the crew on board the boat, quite similarly mirroring what is portrayed in the musical adaptation.

African American workers on the James Adams Floating Theatre

A still from the 1957 movie adaptation of Show Boat that depicts Joe singing “Ol’ Man River” from the show boat.

This shows that the portrayals in the show, while complicated and insensitive, are ultimately an illustration of a real situation that people were in. Hammerstein defends the show as well, stating, “We believe that the Negro in Show Boat emerges with honor and respect and affection and that this play has always been good for the Negro.2

In the height of blackface minstrelsy, a show where black people could exist and perform as themselves was revolutionary. Pairing it with an onstage spectacle, the show was able to speak on deep, controversial themes of interracial marriage, treatment of black people, and the relationships therewithin, and bring those themes to a larger, more affluent audience through Broadway. That being said, there are still racially insensitive and downright racist elements of “Show Boat” that should be acknowledged and addressed in today’s society.


Sources:

1 – https://www.loc.gov/pictures/resource/hec.36106/

2 – https://drive.google.com/file/d/1jKyq44hPE2M6mezSsnPbOPAvG3a_y3Wc/view

3 – https://rodgersandhammerstein.com/the-enduring-relevance-of-show-boat/

4 – https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Show_Boat_(novel)

5 – https://www.chesapeakebaymagazine.com/the-chesapeakes-floating-theatre/

Hammerstein’s Hand in Vaudeville – Koster & Bial’s Music Hall

In our discussions of early Broadway musical theater shows, we get easily caught up in the contents of the plot, characters, or even the actors that are featured in them. However, not a lot has been said about the places where these performances take place. Enter Koster & Bial’s Music Hall in New York City, New York – the performance hall once endorsed by Oscar Hammerstein that eventually sizzled and burned. 

Previously located at 135 W. 34th Street, the music hall, which opened on November 14th, 1892, was once named The Manhattan Opera House. The opera house was operated by American lyricist and librettist Oscar Hammerstein, known for and regarded highly as an iconic figure and contributor to the American musical theater scene. In less than a year, Hammerstein acknowledged the failure of his scheme to house high-class opera at the site and ceded management of the facility to John Koster and Albert Bial. Koster and Bial, seasoned operators of a successful music hall and beer garden at W. 23rd Street and 6th Avenue, brought their proven formula of variety shows and alcoholic beverages to the newly renamed Koster and Bial’s Music Hall. The transition took place on August 28, 1893, just two days after the closure of their previous establishment. 

Koster & Bial’s Music Hall advertisement, 1896.

The poster above is an advertisement that was published in 1896, a few years after the music hall transitioned to Koster & Bial’s management. It depicts a vaudeville-esque “showgirl” with black hair, roses, and an exotic-patterned dress. Vaudeville’s acts incorporated musical comedy, dance, burlesque, satire, and circus elements. Ensembles in vaudeville depict “everyday man” characters, who frolicked onstage to cater to mass audiences from the 1800s to the 1930s. This art form ties back to the early origins of musical theater in America, with shows like Show Boat (which we previously discussed in class). The shift from opera to vaudeville marked a turning point, reflecting the broader evolution of American theater from elitist art forms to more accessible, populist entertainment. The advertisement above serves as a visual reminder of this transformation—highlighting the theatrical energy and mass appeal that defined the era. Ultimately, Koster & Bial’s Music Hall not only helped popularize vaudeville but also laid the groundwork for the diverse and dynamic musical theater that would follow, influencing future Broadway productions like Show Boat and beyond.

WORKS CITED

“Coster and Bial’s Music Hall.” Cinema Treasures, www.cinematreasures.org/theaters/14770.

“Vaudeville Advertisement for Koster & Bial’s Music Hall, New York, 1896.” The Library of Congress, loc.gov/pictures/item/2014637286/. 

 

Historical Music Documentation

National Jukebox is a website that has on it thousands of recordings of music and spoken words. This website was created by both the Library of Congress and Sony Music Entertainment. There are many different genres of music on this website such as classical, opera, spoken word, blues, musical theater, jazz, country, whistling and yodeling. This website has music from all around the world. There are many recordings from Native American musicians, Irish musicians, and even some that highlight some of the issues and stereotyping in minstrelsy. The creators of the website are still working on adding recordings from before 1925 from record companies such as Columbia Records and Okeh Records. However, these recordings are kept under Sony records, which presently allows users to listen to these recordings. Although users are allowed to listen to the recordings, they are not allowed to download them. Sony has the rights to these recordings, and doesn’t let them out in the public domain possibly because of the historical value they hold.

The New York Philharmonic also planned on creating a an archive of the recordings that would be able to be streamed by the public. The New York Philharmonic was created in 1842. For the website, they started with materials from 1942-1970. During that time period, this orchestra became one of the biggest and most renowned orchestras in the entire world. Leonard Bernstein was the conductor for most of this time period. (1942-1969) The orchestra has more than 24,000 recordings, and 4,000 of them have to do with Bernstein. There are in total 3,235 scores, 1,380 images, and 16,342 business documents. In the future, the orchestra is planning to add audio and video documentation.

Performances today unfortunately cannot be kept and viewed again to preserve history, however there are other things that people can use from the past to show the importance of the history of music. The history of music continues to inform and create the popular music of the present. Every genre has a background to it, and has genres that came before it. Music is all inspired by one another.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/44308748?seq=1

Troutman, J. W. “National Jukebox: Historical Recordings from the Library of Congress Lift Every Voice: Music in American Life.” The Journal of American History (Bloomington, Ind.) 100, no. 1 (2013): 323–25. https://doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jat188.

His Soul Goes Marching On?

In January I applied only slightly more than a whim for a CURI proect researching John Brown. I did not know who he was at all before reading the description, apparently he was a militant abolitionist who perhaps most notably tried to incite a slave revolt in Harper’s Ferry Virginia in 1859. Previously, he had been involved in Bleeding Kansas, leading the Pottawatomie Massacre. He was disastrously unsuccessful at Harper’s Ferry, but became a martyr for the abolitionist cause, and many scholars argue that Brown’s actions and subsequent execution sparked the Civil War. 

When I told people my summer plans, most of them either asked me “who is that?” or, they started singing “John Brown’s Body,” at me.

The song, which later became the “Battle Hymn of the Republic,” when Julia Ward Howe used the melody to set a text that tied the Union’s fight in the Civil War to God’s Judgment. The song retains the martial themes of the original marching song, but also, I think, retains the image of John Brown, especially in the lines “as he died to make men holy, let us die to make men free.” It was Ralph Waldo Emerson who most explicitly made the comparison between Brown and Christ, saying in a speech on November 8th that Brown’s execution would “make the gallows as glorious as the cross.” (“Emerson on Courage” The Liberator. November 18th, 1859). 

John Brown’s Body, or the Battle Hymn is a catchy piece, (and often people sing verses from both together). It has been the accompaniment for many of my walks around campus since starting my research this summer. I often sing it without really thinking about its edgier theological (at least for our time) and political content. The melody is invigorating, an ascending line, an answering descending line, an ascending line, and a shorter fourth line that brings each statement to a certain conclusion. There are also some lines that are extremely satisfying to sing. “He has loosed the fateful lighting of his terrible swift sword,” is my particular favorite. The refrain of “Glory, Glory Hallelujah” demands to be sung with gusto, and perhaps with righteous anger. 

But Lucia, why are you invoking John Brown now, and why with a martial hymn about the wrath of God? 

This is a fair question. John Brown is remembered with discomfort. He sought justice with violence. Whether people blanche because of the the violence itself, its extra-judicial nature, or it’s relationship to Brown’s deep Calvinism, the reactions to Brown tell us about our current intuitions about the question “when, and how is violence justified?” The John Brown wrote on a note before his execution saying that he was “quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land; will never be purged away but with Blood,”

Last note written by John Brown before his hanging; Charlestown (Charleston), Virginia; December 2, 1859. Chicago Historical Museum, digital collection.

However, my research this summer took me beyond these questions, and beyond the apocalyptic vision I have presented so far in Brown’s last note, and the Battle Hymn of the Republic. I feel that there is another song, and another and another apocalyptic vision, which I feel is more representative of the totality of Brown’s life. Brown’s favorite hymn was “Blow ye the trumpet blow.” The text references Leviticus 25, which describes a Jubilee year in which debts would be forgiven, Israelite slaves at least, would be released, among other things. This ritual of atonement is tied in with Christ’s atonement– the real year of Jubilee is Christ’s return for Judgement. But the focus of the hymn is not on God’s wrath, but on the promise of forgiveness and grace. 

If we remember John Brown at all, I think most forget this John Brown. His prevailing vision of divine justice was atonement, and redemption. Brown lived the whole of his life according to this hope. The things that aren’t as often discussed with Brown are how in every one of the many places he lived, he was a pillar of the community. He taught Sunday school, as well as just regular school out of his home for his and his neighbors’ children. He made sure his workers could eat and took care of their families. When the Fugitive Slave Law was passed in, he organized and armed a black self defense league, The League of Gileadites. He was active in the underground railroad. These are only a few of his actions. Brown lived out continual atonement and compassion through his whole life. Unlike almost all other white abolitionists it seems he saw black people not as worthy of pity and in need of his righteous intervention, but instead as his companions and compatriots in battle. He better than anyone “remembered those in bonds as bound with them.” (citation) It seems like Brown could see a more just world super-imposed on the unjust one of his times. And this kind of clear-eyed hope unflinching obligation to the just and right whenever it is possible I think is the demand of our times as well. 

Brown was, of course, a man with many failings both personal and political (and gramatical, his semicolon usage is truly mystifying). He had a very difficult life. Our society has changed in huge and important ways since his death, but justice still eludes us. Still, spending so much time with John Brown over the past few months has instilled in me an active commitment to hope for atonement and redemption. In a letter he wrote from prison to his family, Brown wrote: 

P. S. I cannot remember a night so dark as to have hindered the coming day: nor a storm so furious or dreadful as to prevent the return of warm sunshine and a cloudless sky.

Further Reading:

Fire From the Midst of You: a Religious Life of John Brown, Louis A. DeCaro Jr.

DeCaro also has a wonderful and extensive blog about John Brown, his life, and those who have interpreted it. Seriously, this blog is a treasure!

John Brown Abolitionist: the Man who Killed Slavery, Sparked the Civil War, and Seeded Civil Rights, David S. Reynolds

Tea and Sympathy: Liberals and Other White Hopes, Lerone Bennett Jr. https://archive.org/details/negromoodotheres0000benn/page/74/mode/2up If you read anything from this list, make it this essay.

The Monument Of The Unelected

Friday November 1st 2024  we went to the Flaten art museum at St. Olaf College. They are having an exhibit which is named Practicing Democracy. Inside there were many images of students and groups at St. Olaf protested troubling times and examples of the joining together to make a point. This was all very interesting to me and they also had a mock voting room. This election is a unique time. Since it is probably the biggest election in our lives and many. They had a mock election room with voting boxes. All of this brings me to the exhibit that stood out to me the most. The Monument Of The Unelected by Nina Katchadourian. This exhibit was outside in an area that many could see and ponder. It shows all the major party candidates that ran for the president and lost. This includes ones that may not have had or did not actually have a yard sign for their campaign. The thing that stuck out to me was that I knew a few but not many I know or I did not remember. We all as a class looked at this visiting exhibit and we talked about it. How we each felt after seeing it and what we found fascinating about it. What was interesting to me is this next part. A first time voter will place the loser of the Presidential election for this cycle. A result that will surely be on everyone’s minds and affect many in the days after.  This Monument Of The Elected shows us how before this cycle there has always been a loser. Oftentimes we do not remember the loser of this cycle and even sometimes forget the winner. This cycle may change that and we must keep hope no matter what the outcome. 

Photo by Enrico Tamayo, by courtesy of artist, Catharine Clark Gallery, and Pace Gallery(2024)

Museum, F. A. (2024). Nina Katchadourian: Monument to the unelected. Nina Katchadourian: Monument to the Unelected – Flaten Art Museum. https://wp.stolaf.edu/flaten/monument-to-the-unelected/

Birmingham Sunday

September 15, 1963. It’s a lovely Sunday morning in Birmingham, Alabama, when an explosion states the streets right outside of the predominantly African American 16th Street Baptist Church. Twenty two parishioners were injured, and four little girls were killed. It was later revealed that the bomb was deliberately placed by local members of the Klu Klux Klan, who were not persecuted until years later in the early 2000’s for their actions.2 This event, known as the 16th Street Church Bombing, is a famous event within the Civil Rights movement. It was a turning point for the Civil Rights movement, with many white citizens being outraged at the innocent people who were killed and harmed. The deaths were followed two months later by the assassination of President JF Kennedy, which caused an outpouring of national grief and ensured the passage of the 1964 Civil Rights Act.3

The event of the 16th Street Church Bombing inspired many people towards the Civil Rights Movement, including the folk singer and songwriter, Richard Fariña, who wrote the song “Birmingham Sunday” about the event.1 Using haunting lyrics that included the full names of each girl who was killed, set to a traditional Scottish ballad, he was able to create a protest ballad that inspired mourners and justice.2 Fariña uses lyrics such as “cowardly” to describe the attackers, symbolizing and targeting the moral failings alongside the racist act.2 He also structures the song to reach both black and white audiences, using themes of mourning and giving humanity to each of the girls killed to persuade the audience that this was a tragedy of lives cut short. At the same time, he uses words such as “freedom” and language to symbolize the black church to draw in an audience of black people and Civil Rights activists.2

The song was popularized by Fariña’s sister in law and contemporary, Joan Beaz. Both artists were heavily involved in the Civil Rights Movement, with Baez personally marching hand-in-hand with Martin Luther King Jr. and Bob Dylan singing “We Shall Overcome.”2 Baez added complexity to the song Fariña wrote, with her haunting soprano vocals and popularizing it as the quiet protest song it grew to be.2 Baez’s popularization of the song inspired the persecution of one of the bombers in 1977, even though his fellow Klan members were not persecuted until the early 2000’s.2

The song “Birmingham Sunday” still holds a legacy today. Rhiannon Giddens, a famous bluegrass singer who thrives in reclaiming and exploring historical African American songs, recorded a cover of the song in 2017. She covered and revised the song on her album, Freedom Highway, an album inspired by the decades of protest music and social justice movements.2 Giddens’s recording of the album served a purpose in terms of protest music as well, bringing the events of the song into the public consciousness during the #SayHerName era of protest and black politics. In this more modern interpretation of it, the song serves to draw attention to how black women have often been omitted from narratives of racial narratives, and should have their names memorialized like the girls in this song, who went on to shape something they didn’t even know they did. We are unaware of the names of the girls – Addie Mae Collins, Denise McNair, Cynthia Wesley, and Carol Robertson – even though they shaped the way to the Civil Rights Act posthumously.

These three versions of the same song show how protest song can be widespread and adapted to different causes, and how different artists can interpret it in ways that make sense to their audiences and causes.

1 – https://search.alexanderstreet.com/view/work/bibliographic_entity%7Crecorded_cd%7C73912

2- https://www.jstor.org/stable/26510207?seq=1&cid=pdf-reference#references_tab_contents

3 – https://www.nps.gov/articles/16thstreetbaptist.htm

Breaking the (Political) Ice with Comedy

Likely created by a student artist in partnership with the Pause Kitchen at St. Olaf College in 2008, two posters advertise different pizza toppings representing the candidates of the 2008 presidential election, Barack Obama and John McCain. By incorporating the candidates in the advertisement in a silly manner, the posters aim to use comedy to lighten the political atmosphere of the time. What can this example of comedic relief tell us about the use of comedy in other forms of art, such as in the history of Black performance in America, and Black-face minstrelsy, and how comedy affects engagement in difficult conversations?

In the Flaten Art Museum’s (FAM) Fall 2024 exhibit, “Practicing Democracy,” there were many artifacts related to the civic engagement of Oles at St. Olaf throughout its 150 years as an institution. Displaying colored and black and white photos, videos, buttons, and descriptions of live and recorded performances at sports events, this exhibit covers a breadth of examples of civic engagement from former students. One display especially caught my eye – two posters hanging side by side with bright, bold colors and fonts, featuring giant, blown up faces of each candidate the faces of the 2008 presidential election, Obama and McCain, in the upper left hand corner of the poster. Whether or not the posters helped in boosting the sale of “The Barack” or “The Maverick”, the pizza orders the posters advertised, these posters most definitely caught the attention of students walking by the Pause Kitchen, not only because of the colors and funky font, but due to the sheer size of each poster, both posters likely being the size of a concert poster (about 24 by 36 inches). As one of my classmates stated while our American Music class took a tour around the FAM, the use of comedy likely helped to ease political tension “over a slice of pizza”, opening up discussion around the former presidential candidates and their policies of the time. Additionally, by including pineapple on “The Barack”, the posters also open up discussion on a widely controversial pizza topping. With a little silliness, the unknown artist of the posters probably hoped that students would be more open to approaching political conversations, paralleling political conversation to pizza topping preferences.

And what of comedy used and referenced in our class readings and listenings? There have been many times in which comedy or mockery has been featured in the music we have studied. Blackface minstrelsy is an example we studied, being a problematic art form that utilized mockery and stereotypical comedy to paint Black individuals and communities as an inferior race and group of people. Additionally, because theater performance was often limited to White male performers and actors, minstrelsy explored gender and sexuality, teetering between socially accepted and unaccepted ideas of gender, gender performance, and sexuality. By leveraging comedy and comedic relief, these forms of performance encouraged and perpetuated harmful ideologies of Black people, positing White audiences to rationalize the feeling of superiority.

The performance of minstrelsy was not solely limited to White male performers throughout it’s history — Black performers used blackface minstrelsy as an angle to perform in theater in front of White audiences. As Sullivan states in his article, “‘Shuffle Along’ and the Lost History of Black Performance in America,” “by mocking themselves, their own race, they were giving it up.” Because White audiences were uncomfortable with Black people showing up as they were on stage, and, in a sense, “claiming power” over White audience members, minstrelsy was a way for Black performers to ease their presence into theater.

In these instances, comedy isn’t used to break down walls to difficult conversation like in FAM’s display of “The Barack” and “The Maverick”, but is instead used to build a disconnect between White audiences and Black people. The comedy of minstrelsy made White audiences’ prejudiced perceptions of Black people more digestible, and later, caused White audiences’ perception of Black performers to be less threatening.

The Utility of Commercial Art: The Story of the Chicano Cultural Sculptor

Rubén “Funkahuatl” Guevara took on many personas as he developed his musical career, which reflects the many different ideas about Chicano identity that circulated throughout pop culture during the 60s and 70s, as well as the transformation of Chicano representation in music with the beginning of the Chicano Movement. Rubén in particular brings up an interesting conversation about commercialism, and how in his case used it to spread an image of Chicano presence in American music beginning with “doo-wop”, a variation of blues and rock and roll, especially as he began performing on television shows. Shindig! was a variety show that aired from 1964 to 1966, in which he performed with artists such as Bo Diddley, Tina Turner, and other African American blues artists. In order to be on the show, Rubén had to incorporate a stage name, Jay P. Mobey, which you can see in the video below: 

 

 

The changing of his name from Rubén Guevara to Jay P. Mobey suppressed his identity as an Mexican-American on the stage, and when the show ended in 1966 he sought to re-invent himself as Chicano, and began singing with Frank Zappa in Ruben and the Jets. With this group as well, he blended with the sounds of the time, now immersing himself in the R&B and rock of the 70s. In 1974, Ruben and the Jets released an album called “Con Safos.” Con Safos means “with safety,” and was a tag that was written on the graffiti throughout Los Angeles to indicate to others not to cover their work. This album cover positions Guevara in the center of the picture, with depictions of artists outside of a liquor store in L.A. “Viva la Raza” is written on the wall, a phrase used during the Chicano movement to signify their reclamation of Chicano heritage, culture, language and race. Guevara’s music once again blends with similar sounds of the period, this time rock and roll, but uses his avenue as a popular artist to promote Chicano presence in the music scene. 

Finally, it is interesting to see such a radical change in sound and image as he went through his life and musical career. After Ruben and the Jets dispersed, Rubén recorded a song called “C/S” with a group called Con Safos, which explicitly discusses the Vietman War, and prejudice against Chicanos and their reclamation of their heritage. This song was published in 1983 in an LP called “The Eastside Renaissance.”

 

I encourage you to listen to all three of these stages of Ruben’s career and journey with his Chicano identity.  Rubén’s adaptability to popular genre could be perceived as un-original or commercial, but I think it ultimately represents the journey that many Mexican-Americans experienced throughout the Chicano movement in terms of establishing and celebrating their identity and culture in the United States. 

 

It is important to note that it wasn’t until the beginning of the Chicano movement that “chicano” was an appropriate word to describe Americans of Mexican descent. Chicano comes from the Nahuatl word xicano, which represents the reclamation of indigenous heritage of the Mexica peoples, who lived in the southwest region of present day United States. 

 

 

Our Place in History: Lifting as we Climb, Forward into the Light

Last week in the Flaten Art Museum, I was somewhat surprised to see an exhibit on the concert Lifting as we Climb, Forward into the Light that happened last spring with the Manitou Singers and Dr. Hibbard along with many local Soprano/Alto choirs. The wall features one of the pins that was worn by each performer, and on a flat surface the program is displayed. On the front of the program was recognition that the Høyde Quartet (in which I am the second violinist) had been accompaniment for part of the performance.

One of the buttons worn by performers

Seeing this made me reflect a bit on what it means to be a part of something like it. We got to work with the Manitou singers on Andrea Ramsey’s Suffrage Cantata, however it was only a part of the whole concert. As a whole, it was a huge undertaking by everyone involved and I had not realized that until the day of the performance. Seeing all of these choirs get together to deliver so much music was very moving, and it was great to see so much community being formed as a result.

Høyde and Dr. Hibbard after the concert


It’s not until you see the aftereffects of something that you realize the significance of it. When we first started working on the Suffrage Cantata with Manitou, it definitely felt like just another gig. Seeing everyone who showed up to perform or watch made me realize how important these things are to people. I find this to be especially poignant with all of the elections happening right now. It’s so important to look into the past history of elections and voting and think about how it has influenced the present, especially since voting is such an important part of our society.

We Insist!

Max Roach’s Freedom Now Suite, “We Insist!,” is a great example of a protest album. Max Roach was a jazz percussionist and composer. He wrote “We Insist!” as a commemoration of the 100th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation, but it was in fact performed for the first time on January 16, 1961, two years earlier than originally planned because of the urgency of sit-ins in the South. This album highlights ongoing racism and injustice towards Black Americans (and South Africans, as referenced in the 5th song of the album), and the fact that despite the Emancipation Proclamation being ratified so long ago, the struggle for Black liberation was no where near over.

I would highly recommend listening to this whole album. It tells a story of the horror of slavery (“Driva’man”), the signing of the Emacipation Proclamation on “Freedom Day”, and the continued struggle for justice into the Civil Rights Movement in the US, as well as around the world. but one piece that I found particularly impactful was “Triptych: Prayer/ Protest/ Peace.” The second movement especially caught me off guard, which I suppose is probably the point and symbolically represents the goal of protest, which is to interrupt the status quo. This movement especially serves as a reminder to those of us whose Civil Rights Movement education has largely romanticized the nature of peaceful protests, especially surrounding the work of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. In truth, even peaceful protests were met with brutal violence, and the struggle was anything but passive and easy.

The cover of “We Insist,” showing three Black men sitting at a counter, being served by a white man, in direct response to student sit-ins, and a visualization of the goal of the artists.

One question that we touched on in class is the efficacy of protest albums. Roach’s goal with this album was to reach a wide audience and spread the message of racial equality. He allowed fundraising organizations to use this album for free to raise money for Civil Rights organizations. However, the album did receive critiques for being too “bitter” for “most tastes.” The tension between commerciality (or maybe universality?) and value as an instrument for social change is certainly in play, but the Freedom Now Suite was lauded for its influence, and was performed at the 1961 NAACP conference and the Newport Jazz Festival in 1965. Christa Gammage writes:

Jazz embodied the message of the Civil Rights movement and its emphasis on individual expression that serves a group beyond oneself. In order to produce a functional musical piece, each musician must work with one another and listen to the ideas of others. This same expression of democracy is what African-Americans were fighting for in their everyday lives.

 

Biobliography

African American Registry. “Max Roach, Drummer, and Composer Born.” Accessed November 4, 2024. https://aaregistry.org/story/drummer-max-roach-broke-new-ground-in-jazz/.

Gammage, Christa. “‘We Insist! Max Roach’s Freedom Now Suite’—Max Roach (1960).” Library of Congress, 2022. https://www.loc.gov/static/programs/national-recording-preservation-board/documents/We-Insist-Max-Roachs-Freedom-Now-Suite_Gammage.pdf.

Music in Response and Remembrance

The exhibition piece, Prayer for Peace, describes Kurt Westerberg’s ‘72 De Profundis, and the images reflect a powerful response from St. Olaf students to the tragic events at Kent State and Jackson State Universities in 1970. De Profundis, which translates to “out of the depths,” was composed by Westerberg as a sophomore in the wake of these violent events, where students lost their lives amidst the turmoil of Vietnam War protests1.

St. Olaf students at Capital Hill in Washington D.C., 1972

The images above capture the performance of De Profundis on Capitol Hill in May 1972. This twenty-minute, three-movement composition combines vocals, instrumentals, and dance to express grief, reflection, and a longing for peace. In the program introduction, Westerberg wrote, “De Profundis is not meant to be entertaining listening nor is it a ‘hip’ version of a Biblical Psalm2.” This is important to note, given the importance of the piece’s expression. 

Image of Dell Grant ‘73 – St. Olaf’s First African American art major, who choreographed the sequence and performed alongside 18 others at the Capital Hill performance in 1972

Westerberg based the piece on Psalm 130, a text he encountered during a memorial service honoring the victims of the protests. The Psalm’s lines,

If you, Lord, kept a record of sins, Lord, who could stand? But with you there is forgiveness, so that we can, with reverence, serve you3.

form an emotional heart of De Profundis. By setting these words to music, it seems Westerberg aimed to transform sorrow and lament into a communal prayer for reconciliation, contrasting the bitterness of violence with a desire for forgiveness and healing. 

 

While looking more into De Profundis, I came across a transcript of an interview with Westerberg in 2013. In response to his recalling of the Washington D.C. experience, he reflected on the growth of the piece and its communal contribution, stating the following: 

“It was a very humbling experience to have my sophomoric work used to express a significant desire for peace and reconciliation. It was really not just my work anymore – I knew that it had grown beyond my creative input, and had impact because of the result of so many other efforts, including the [singers], musicians, and dancers4.”

As I reflect on this composition and the images, I am reminded of Nina Simone’s Mississippi Goddam, written in response to the bombing that killed four Black girls in Birmingham5. While both Westerberg and Simone address violence, their approaches differ. Simone confronts institutional racism with urgency, her music demanding justice. In contrast, Westerberg seeks solace, inviting spiritual introspection as a response to tragedy.

De Profundis, therefore, stands as a testament to music’s power to respond to violence in varied ways, whether by seeking peace, demanding change, or gathering a community in shared reflection.

1 Sauve, Jeff. “A Musical Prayer for Peace.” St. Olaf Magazine no. Winter, 2013.

2 Sauve, Jeff. “A Musical Prayer for Peace.” St. Olaf Magazine no. Winter, 2013.

4 Sauve, Jeff. “A Musical Prayer for Peace.” St. Olaf Magazine no. Winter, 2013.

5 Fields, Liz. “The Story behind Nina Simone’s Protest Song, ‘Mississippi Goddam.’” PBS, June 30, 2023. https://www.pbs.org/wnet/americanmasters/the-story-behind-nina-simones-protest-song-mississippi-goddam/16651/.

“Strange Fruit”

The song “Strange Fruit” was first written and performed in 1930. It was most famously sung by jazz singer Billie Holiday, but was written by Jewish American Abel Meeropol(under pseudonym Lewis Allan).

“Strange Fruit” Lyrics: 

Verse 1: Southern trees bear a strange fruit

Blood on the leaves and blood at the root

Black bodies swinging in the Southern breeze

Strange fruit hanging from the poplar trees

 

V2: Pastoral scene of the gallant south

The bulging eyes and the twisted mouth

Scent of magnolias, sweet and fresh

Then the sudden smell of burning flesh

 

V3: Here is a fruit for the crows to pluck

For the rain to gather, for the wind to suck

For the sun to rot, for the tree to drop

Here is a strange and bitter crop

Recording of Billie Holiday Singing “Strange Fruit”: https://search.alexanderstreet.com/view/work/bibliographic_entity%7Crecorded_cd%7C679895  1

“Strange Fruit” is well known because of its accurately grotesque description of the aftermath of a lynching. Meeropol’s particular comparison to fruit is engaging because fruit usually symbolizes new life, but here he uses it to describe death. The “blood at the root” feeds the tree in the same way that hate feeds a horrifying American tradition. The next two verses become a more literal description compared to the metaphor of the first verse. The song puts even more emphasis on the lyrics by consisting of just voice with a soft piano accompaniment. Many of Holiday’s other songs include saxophones, brass, piano, and sometimes a rhythm section, making the instrumentation of “Strange Fruit” stand out. The instrumentation as well as Holiday’s musical decisions to get louder and more forceful as the song goes on displays a raw emotion to drive home the jarring message. The swing feel creates a lack of specific down beat. This makes the rhythm more conversational as though she is recounting a personal experience making the story all the more horrendous and inhuman. 

Columbia Records and radio stations did not want to promote or play “Strange Fruit” because of its controversy and dark theme. The song was especially controversial because it was released at the same time as the Anti-Lynching movement that called for making lynching a federal offence. The members of the movement sent the lyrics of “Strange Fruit” to every congress member at the time and “Strange Fruit” became the unofficial song of the movement. Even Holiday was reluctant to perform it in fear of backlash and maintaining her career. The song was first performed by Holiday at “Cafe Society” which was one of the first integrated clubs in New York City. The club was also known for combining European cabaret traditions and Afro-American jazz clubs. 

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https://search.alexanderstreet.com/view/work/bibliographic_entity%7Crecorded_cd%7C679895

In 1940(ten years after the song’s release) Mooropol was questioned by the New York States “Rapp-Coudert Committee” who were investigating communism in schools. In 1943, Mooropol wrote “House I Live In” which served as a patriotic song discussing racial harmony although this may not have been Mooropol’s intention. “House I Live In” was in a short film starring Frank Sinatra and the producers took out a line that said: “the house I live in, my neighbors white and black”. Mooropol was furious. In both songs by Able Mooropol, the media filtered what they deemed successful and what they thought a majority white audience would want to hear. Another example of this would be in 1950 when Josh White was called before the House Un-American Activities Committee for his recording of “Strange Fruit” where he read the lyrics of the song as a part of his testimony. Unlike Holiday’s, White’s career never recovered. 2

Billie Holiday and “Strange Fruit” became so influential that Hulu produced a film called “The United States vs. Billie Holiday” in 2021. The movie describes Holiday’s life and career as well as the FBI’s involvement in Holiday performing “Strange Fruit”. It also implies that the FBI had influence on the overdose that led to Billie Holiday’s death. Despite Holiday’s, Meeropol’s, White’s and the Anti-lynching movement’s efforts, there still hasn’t been any law passed to outlaw lynching as a hate crime. 

 

1Strange Fruit. Directed by Joel Katz. California Newsreel, 2002. https://video.alexanderstreet.com/watch/strange-fruit.

2Ultimate Billie Holiday1997.Verve Records. https://search.alexanderstreet.com/view/work/bibliographic_entity|recorded_cd|679895.

St Olaf Choir Tour: Still Singing After All These Years

When I was considering St Olaf for school, my father, a proud Concordia Grad, was overjoyed to tell me all about St Olaf’s choral history. Naturally, as a proud choral and history nerd, I was eager to listen.

In 1920, F. Melius Christiansen and the St Olaf Choir set off on tour. This was not the very first tour they had been on, as they’d toured in Norway in 1913. However, it was their first domestic tour across the United States. This tour would set a choral precedent for something that would echo through history all the way to today, when the St Olaf Choir still tours, sometimes multiple times per year, frequently filling the house full of people eager to hear the St Olaf Choir sing. The program of the original 1920 tour lays out a much more sacred quest than selling tickets, however.

The Cover of the St Olaf Lutheran Choir 1920 Eastern United States Tour

When reading through the program of the original 1920 St Olaf Lutheran Choir Tour, it immediately differs from the common program notes that are found in Choral concert programs today. Nowadays, when opening your average program, one will find a brief description of the conductor and maybe some notes about the students, but that is often all. However, in this program, it goes into great detail about the purpose of the choir, which is, to quote the program, to “have a far-reaching effect upon the services of the Lutheran churches of America, proving a powerful factor for unity in the services of these churches.” Farther down, after the introduction, there lie several letters, one from the President of the College, another from the President of the Norwegian Lutheran Church of America, another from the President of the United Lutheran Church of America, and a final letter from the President of the Lutheran Joint Synod of Ohio. The Norwegian Lutheran Church of America and the United Lutheran Church of America synods would eventually be merged into what is now known as the Evangelical Lutheran Church of America, which is the synod that St Olaf College is affiliated with. Upon looking at the actual pieces programmed, it makes sense, as most of the compositions listed are by Lutheran composers, promoting Lutheran ideals. Oh, and don’t worry, Beautiful Savior is still there.

This tour is a direct contrast from another tour I analyzed, which was the Fisk Jubilee Singers Tour, almost 50 years earlier. While their tour came out of necessity, to raise money for their program, the St Olaf Lutheran Choir Tour was for a missionary-like purpose. Both are excellent examples of successful and impactful Choir Tours, especially as the St Olaf Choir program continues to sell out concerts, including their annual ChristmasFest, and the Jubilee Singers having won a Grammy in 2021 for Best Roots Gospel Album.

The Original Fisk University Jubilee Singers Program

Staff. “College Archives.” Stolaf.edu, 2024, digital.stolaf.edu/archives/asset/viewAsset/5f90972829b2667625499ea1. Accessed 3 Nov. 2024.

 

Beyoncé, “Freedom”, and the Pursuit of Kamala Harris

Kamala Harris and Beyoncé Knowles Carter sharing an embrace ahead of the ‘Harris for Reproductive Rights’ rally in Houston Texas (10/25/24)

If you have any interest in keeping up with the news once the leaves start changing colors, the chances are high of running into political advertisements, reports, and overall name-calling and bashing across the aisle. This is at least true of this year’s race to the presidential office, featuring special guests Kamala Harris/Tim Walz, and Donald Trump/JD Vance. Those who identify as “Generation Z” (ie people between the ages of 12-27), likely encounter political propaganda through unconventional platforms, such as social media, specifically TikTok and Instagram. While scrolling through TikTok, I frequently come across political videos paired with music, drawing attention to the role of sound in political messaging (example here). In light of our discussions on protest music and social change, one song has entered the public consciousness as an “unspoken anthem” for the Harris/Walz campaign: “Freedom” by Beyoncé Knowles Carter. 

In a CBS news article posted in late October, Beyoncé was reported to have endorsed (declaring one’s public approval of) Harris for President of the United States of America at a Harris rally for reproductive rights in Houston, Texas this October, giving Harris a warm welcome to her [Beyoncé’s] home-town crowd: 

Beyoncé speaking at Harris Reproductive Rally, October 2024

It’s time for America to sing a new song. Our voices sing a chorus of unity. They sing a song of dignity and opportunity. Are y’all ready to add your voice to the new American song?” she said. “Ladies and gentlemen, please give a big, loud, Texas welcome to the next president of the United States, Vice President Kamala Harris” (CBS).

This profound musically-themed statement speaks to the tradition of protest songs within politics, which have historically served as powerful anthems for social change and collective resilience. 

Campaign songs are used when candidates wish to constitute their identity in sound, “to sonically construct themselves in a way that appeals to the public as well as offers insight into their character and their beliefs” (Morrison). In Harris’ current campaign, she includes various black artists – Aretha Franklin, Megan Thee Stallion, Whitney Houston, Beyoncé, and more to cultivate a rich soundtrack for her presidential narrative. 

“Lemonade”, recorded in 2016 by Beyoncé, features artists Kendrick Lamar, The Weeknd, and more.

One standout track is Beyoncé’s “Freedom”, recorded on her 2016 album Lemonade (Spotify). The song “samples two John and Alan Lomax field recordings, which document Jim Crow-era folk spirituals of Southern Black churches and the work songs of Black prisoners from 1959 and 1948, respectively” (Morrison). Compared to her previous campaign song, Mary J. Blige’s “Work That,” “Freedom” adopts a more urgent tone, enhanced by gospel signifiers and its textual reference to the African American spiritual “Wade in the Water” (Burleigh). 

Harris/Walz campaign propaganda poster with the words, “FREEDOM”

By choosing “Freedom,” Harris aligns her campaign message with the empowering narrative embodied in Beyoncé’s music, which symbolizes feminine vitality and perseverance. As we await the election results, it’s important to consider the underlying messages these songs convey and their impact on our collective consciousness.

WORKS CITED

Beyoncé, featuring Kendrick Lamar. “Freedom.” Spotify, https://open.spotify.com/track/7aBxcRw77817BrkdPChAGY?si=80661cef05c54052.

Burleigh, Harry T. “Wade in de Water.” Digital Library, York University, https://digital.library.yorku.ca/node/1099291.

CBS News. “Beyoncé, Willie Nelson Join Houston Rally with Kamala Harris to Support Reproductive Rights.” CBS News, 26 Oct. 2024, www.cbsnews.com/news/beyonce-willie-nelson-houston-rally-kamala-harris-reproductive-rights/.

Morrison, Lila. “Beyoncé’s ‘Freedom’ Is the Perfect Campaign Song for Kamala Harris.” Vox, 19 Aug. 2020, www.vox.com/culture/367709/beyonce-freedom-kamala-harris-campaign-songs.

“Old Man Jazz” — Praise or Shade?

“Old Man Jazz : An Eccentric Fox-Trot Song” written by Gene Quaw hasn’t seen many performances in recent years, and there’s good reason why the first recording that comes up is from 1920. Melodic and rhythmic lines in the opening of the tune veils the main character, Old Man Jazz, in mystery, and the associations and implications of the lyrics throughout the song create a tension between appreciation for Old Man Jazz and the negative aspects to his character.

 

 

The song by Quaw seems to be riddled with messaging that “Old Man Jazz” is strange, in an unknowable, enchanting way. Firstly, the subtitle “An Eccentric Fox Trot” tells us that this is a dance, however, it’s not a typical or conventional dance. The opening introduces our main character, Old Man Jazz, who seemingly “arrives in town” and brings about a performance that causes the townspeople, or presumably dancers, to dance. It’s stated that the people like to dance, as expressed by the lyrics : 

“ Old Man Jazz,

The music’s great

Old Man Jazz,

Don’t hesitate,

Ev’ry body likes to do the RazzmaTazz”


 

Even going further as to mention that the townspeople are sad when he leaves : 

“Old man Jazz has gone away from town

That’s why ev’rybody wears a frown”

 

It’s clear that this Old Man Jazz has a skill that few others have, an ability to perform jazz, blues, and rag that inspires the people to dance, “shiveree and shake the shimmie”, and “sway like ‘U’ boats”. However, as much as it seems the people enjoy the music that “Old Man Jazz” brings, it’s questionable as to how the music and lyrics paint his character and music. Paralleled to the praise and encouragement for Old Man Jazz, he has a “reputation” that is assumed and isn’t further explained apart from no one caring about his reputation, implying that Old Man Jazz and/or his band have a negative reputation. Moreover, Old Man Jazz is, later in the song, assumed to have left the town with “Mister Booze”, which likely isn’t another character, but an implication that Old Man Jazz left to drink alcohol. The lyrics additionally describe the music Old Man Jazz performs as “wicked” and as “funny blue notes”, pointedly othering the music despite people’s positive reception. These negative implications to Old Man Jazz alongside the praise for this character creates a dichotomy within the music and affects our perception of the music and the character. Should we dance and sing along? Should we feel uneasy? This tension is much like the tension we’ve discussed in class surrounding Black people and Black people’s music throughout history – enslaved people, in books, theater, song and other forms of entertainment, were painted as dangerous, impulsive, or unintelligent but simultaneously were cunning, clever, and skillful; Black spirituals were applauded when they were adopted to be commercialized and suit White audiences and concert performances, but needed to be rationalized as to how Black people and Black culture could have ever come up with this incomparable music that became renowned.

Whether or not Gene Quaw intended to create this dichotomy within his music is not made clear; regardless, whoever “Old Man Jazz” may be, the music outwardly associates  jazz, blues, and rag, all significant parts of African American culture and music, with eccentricism and problematic attributes.

 

For more listening :

“Old Man Jazz” performed by The Elliotts provided by EMGColonel 

An actually recent performance of “Old Man Jazz”

 

“Magnetic Rag”: a comparison

In class, we compared different recordings Scott Joplin’s “Maple Leaf Rag,” both from piano rolls played by the composer himself and from other musician’s renditions of the song. I thought this was an interesting exercise, especially getting to hear the music performed by the composer. Scott Joplin performed other songs on piano rolls as well, one of which was “Magnetic Rag.”

As you listen, follow along with this copy of sheet music from 1922.

Click the image to view the sheet music.

Some things that I wanted to listen for were swung rhythms, articulation, and other stylistic touches that are not represented in the sheet music. The recording from the piano roll does not have swung rhythms per se, but the syncopation does give the music a distinctly swung feel. Something I noticed right away was the change in tempo in the few lines that can be heard on the piano roll but are not indicated in the sheet music. The first four measures are slower, and the section that begins at the first repeat is basically double the speed. Additionally, in the fourth measure, the rests shown in the sheet music cannot be heard in the piano roll.

When the first section after the intro is repeated, the piano roll deviates from the sheet music. Specifically, the right hand is an octave up. This technique is used again in subsequent sections. Throughout the piece, the repeated sections are shorter than in the sheet music. Generally, the performed version has more embellishments than the sheet music (which I suppose is somewhat common). However, I do notice that there is no arranger mentioned on the sheet music, which is often the case today when a new version of a song is published. Overall, there are not many instructions to the performer such as dynamics and articulations, however I’m not sure if that would have been typical of sheet music published at this time.

This sheet music is from 1922, while Scott Joplin made the piano rolls in 1916. The song “Magnetic Rag” was composed in 1914, so there is a significant amount of time between the creation of the piano roll and the publishing of the sheet music. Importantly, Joplin sadly died the year after the piano rolls were taken, and unless this is a reprint of other sheet music, he would not have seen this version. I think this is example is an interesting look at the variable aspect of this music, and it makes me wonder again about the issue of “authenticity” in music… it is useful to consider which version of the music is “more authentic.” I think it is very possible that Joplin has performed this piece differently at different times, and I would be interested to see the original version that Joplin wrote and how it compares to subsequent publishings.

Scott Joplin. “Magnetic Rag.” Jack Mills, inc., 1922. https://digital.library.yorku.ca/node/1095584.

Music and the Myth of the Frontier

The Frontier Myth is one of the most influential myths of American culture. The mythic frontier was established throughout the 17th century and into the 20th century. Frontier myth scholar Richard Slotkin defines the myth as “America as a wide-open land of unlimited opportunity for the strong, ambitious, self-reliant individual to thrust his way to the top.” These ideals were reflected across society via art, literature and music.

My golden west I love you best
James W. Casey, “My Golden West,” Published in 1917
“American Progress” (1872) by John Gast

These ideals were reflected in James W. Casey’s song “My Golden West, I love You Best.” The cover art shows a cowboy and a cowgirl overlooking a cliff with a small settlement next to a river. While this music was published after the west was initially colonized the myth of the frontier is still being perpetuated in the cover art.

My golden west I love you best

The lyrics to the song are focused on the natural beauty of the west and an angel who blesses the land. The beginning of the refrain starts with “out in the golden west… the mountains grew so high.. an angel then came down and made it her hometown…” The glorification of the natural environment of the west is a theme throughout the lyrics of the piece. Praising the beauty of the sunset and the beauty of the landscape. Casey is reinforcing the Romantic ideal of the west as having inherent natural beauty.

Old Black Joe by Stephen C. Foster

Old Black Joe is a vocal tune accompanied by piano, which was composed by Stephen C. Foster in 1860. It speaks of an individual by the name of an Old Black Joe and in this tune it touches upon racial topics. This includes mentioning cotton fields, being away from friends. Friends not coming with Joe to where he is now, and the grief of that notion. This became a tune that many of older generations know and when I looked up a recording on Youtube the responses were mixed. Some remembered it as a good old tune that brought them back to older times. Others discussed how it was racist and the channel that it was posted on would actually respond to some of these comments. The cover of the sheet music also depicts that of “Old Black Joe’’. 

The music of the time was much different than today. With that in mind, hearing it now is very odd. Stephen C. Foster was a white man and when doing a simple google search he is labeled The Father Of American Music. The thing is that he was a parlor  and minstrel music performer in the 1800s. Minstrel performance was done by both white individuals and black individuals  as learned in class. Black performers performing minstrel works eventually led to them being able to be themselves in other works and lead to characters being played by black performers becoming a possibility. With all of this combined with Stephen C. Foster being a white minstrel performer. Should this be one of the famous tunes that lives on. When actual black musicians also were making music, those musical works were not performed. I think that this is also tied into the Rhapsody in blue issue of topics, ideas, and musical ideas being taken from these black artists and having white musicians using them. While also truly not embodying the authentic nature of these groups. How is it that this tune was kept alive while others were not. What must we do know to not have that continued trend to occur and create lasting change. That fixes the issues of our past. 

Foster , S. c. (2020). Old black Joe : song with variations. Temple university Libraries . https://digital.library.temple.edu/digital/collection/p15037coll1/id/6252

https://youtu.be/WYjMlw7uTkc?si=Y_kU7h8FfyE_tptt

 

Sheet Music: A Commodity but not a Necessity

Sheet music was one of the most dominant forms of culture in the nineteenth century. Thousands of songs, pieces and concertos were sold each year. Sheet music was one of the main ways for musicians to make money at the time. However, because of the musical education needed to be able to read and understand sheet music, it created some barriers for non-white people to make money off of their art.

There are many popular songs written and sung today that originate from black spirituals, which were written during the time of slavery. However, unfortunately all of the musicians who wrote these songs that became so popular were not given the credit or merit or royalties from this music and instead were pushed down by white people. Because of this dark history, many black musicians were not given the credit or merit that they deserve. Unfortunately, this still happens today.

Later, post-civil war, one of the most popular form of music created by black musicians was jazz. Jazz music is either fully improvised, or a mixture of sheet music and improvisation with musicians. A melody is either given in the form of sheet music, or passed down by ear, then musicians use this melody to improvise and be creative with their instrument. Jazz often uses lead sheets as well instead of typical sheet music. This form of music was very popular in the late nineteenth-twentieth centuries. Since this music sometimes but not always had sheet music, it was difficult for musicians to gain royalties off of sheet music for jazz. However, some musicians, such as Duke Ellington composed thousands of scores and was able to make money through sheet music. Many jazz musicians made money through either touring or local performances.

Additionally, many pop musicians today create music without any prior knowledge of reading sheet music or music theory.

Although sheet music was and still is an important commodity, it is not necessary for all musicians. It is helpful to know and understand the complexities of it, however there are still great musicians who do not read music and this does not take away from any of their accomplishments in their lifetimes.

https://www.proquest.com/docview/2344508709?pq-origsite=primo&parentSessionId=ZHMRXs%2BdlljsUzJ%2BDT1X9g59so9E4BQHl4xXqDRH8uI%3D&sourcetype=Scholarly%20Journals

https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctvvnh25.13?searchText=&searchUri=&ab_segments=&searchKey=&refreqid=fastly-default%3Aa514c32489509c02c2a995379544e8e1&seq=1

Jackson, Maurice, and Blair A. Ruble, editors. DC Jazz : Stories of Jazz Music in Washington, DC. Georgetown University Press, 2018.

Anderson, Colin L. “Segregation, Popular Culture, and the Southern Pastoral: The Spatial and Racial Politics of American Sheet Music, 1870–1900.” The Journal of Southern History, vol. 85, no. 3, 2019, pp. 577–610, https://doi.org/10.1353/soh.2019.0163.

Puerto Rican influence during the Harlem Renaissance

Caravan, composed by Juan Tizol and Duke Ellington, is the most covered jazz standard in history, with more than 500 covers. But what does this song represent? 

The Jones-Shafroth Act of 1917 granted US citizenship to Puerto Ricans, which led to a surge of Puerto Ricans immigrating to the US, especially to New York through Ellis Island. Many Puerto Rican musicians were recruited, due to their talent and ability to read music, to play in jazz clubs and theater pit bands in Washington D.C. and New York, primarily catering to black audiences. “Circa 1920, except for the leader, the entire pit orchestra of the legendary Howard Theater in Washington was composed of Puerto Rican musicians, and it included Tizol” (Serrano 90). In an interview with Patricia Willard in 1978, Juan describes his experience moving to the United States in 1920, working factory jobs in New York in order to save enough money to buy an instrument and make a living. He eventually encountered Duke Ellington when he went to Howard Theatre in Washington D.C. several years later.  The experiences of Puerto Rican immigrants during this time is often characterized by poverty, hardship, and racial discrimination, and it is important that this is not overlooked, especially when considering the vital role that Puerto Rican jazz musicians contributed to the cultural production of an American genre. Juan Tizol was a composer and played trombone in Duke Ellington’s Big Band from 1929 to 1953. Tizol was born in San Juan, Puerto Rico in 1900, and came to the United States in 1920 with some musicians he was playing with in a Puerto rican municipal band at the time. Many Puerto Rican musicians would travel between New York and Puerto Rico, since there weren’t very many opportunities to perform jazz on the island at the time, and it was emerging more prominently in places like New Orleans and New York. Others were recruited to play in the Harlem Hellfighters during WWI. It is important for us to recognize the role that Puerto Rican musicians played in developing jazz, as they were intentionally intertwined in the jazz music scene during a time of intense cultural production. 

Considering this, It was interesting to read that Tizo’s compositions fell under the genre of “exotica”, which is characterized by ideas of “distant, mythical and mystical lands” (Serrano 89). It was also mentioned that Tizo had originally included “Porto Rico”* in the title of several of his compositions, including “Porto Rican Girl” dedicated to his sister Remedio. Before publishing, the title was changed to “Moon Over Cuba” since she had moved to Cuba… While there is no definitive reason for this change, it is interesting to consider the narrative of distance and otherness that is preserved in the edited titles of his songs. ‘Porto Rico’ was included in several other of Tizo’s original titles, but were changed before they were published. What is demonstrated by the intentions to separate Puerto Rican identity from Tizol’s compositions? Does it give us insight on the marketing strategies during the time? Is it reflective of the attitudes towards Puerto Rican citizens living in the United States? When considering an American genre such as jazz, it is important to recognize all of the musicians that contributed to the narrative of the art, and the circumstances that they endured. What does this reflect about the narrative that has been created about American music, and who is included in it? 

*In the Treaty of Paris in 1898 they changed the name of Puerto Rico to ‘Porto Rico’, in efforts to make it easier to pronounce for Americans. It wasn’t until 1932 that they changed it back to the original spelling and the spelling they always had used on the island. 

Serrano, Basilio. “Juan Tizol: His Talents, His Collaborators, His Legacy.” Centro Journal 18, no. 2 (2006): 82–99.

Juan Tizol oral history interview. Retrieved from https://doi.org/doi:10.7282/t3-3r99-0749

On the World Premiere of Jubilee

I was very fortunate to have a friend who had opening night tickets to a world premiere of an opera. I didn’t ask him what the opera was, and didn’t remember the answer, so imagine my surprise when I looked at the program to discover it was about the Fisk Jubilee Singers, who I had been learning about recently in this class. The opera followed the group’s inception, their efforts to raise funds for Fisk College, and their international tour. It was an ensemble piece, with most of the music being spirituals, arranged for the chorus. There were occasional solos and monologues, and the piece resembled an Oratorio, though without much recitative. I left with “didn’t my Lord deliver Daniel” stuck in my head for the next several days, and a feeling that the opera wasn’t quite finished.


The Opera is an ensemble piece, and it thematizes the individual vs. the collective in music making right away, but before we have really gotten to know any character as an individual, which makes the thematization less effective. This didn’t quite work. We are introduced to most of the characters fairly late in the second act, where they give short monologues about who they are, their experiences and connections to the music, etc. This was effective when it happened, but the whole opera would benefit from beginning with some sense of the individual characters. There is a difficulty in adapting historical material: lives unfold in a way that isn’t necessarily dramatically satisfying. Jubilee is also attempting, I think, to let the music speak for itself, not to give us in depth biographical information on the singers, a performance history of the group, nor to adapt their lives into a tightly dramatic work. Jubilee instead aims to illuminate the nature of the spiritual genre anew for the opera stage.

The Problematic History of Ragtime

In the early 20th century, an average citizen may have looked at the ragtime song titled “That dixie rag” and would have thought something along the lines of “popular music” or “dance music.” They would have not been thinking about the long, difficult, racist history that is involved in not only the title of the song, but also the style in which the song is composed and the lyrics housed within.

“That dixie rag” is a piano and voice sheet music score, published in 1911.1 In the first verse, the singer invites the audience to dance to a song that is played “way down South” that makes you “want to jag,” or dance in a jerky manner.5 The second verse tells the story of an African American man who traveled from Fort Worth to the northern states of America and taught an audience of northerners this ragtime song. The narrator refers to the African American man by using the derogatory word “coon” throughout.

There are many things to uncover with this song. First, the word “dixie” is used to describe the southern states of the USA throughout the song. The word in particular has very negative and controversial connotations tracing back to the Civil War. The origins of the word are debated, but the song “Dixie,” composed by Daniel Decatur Emmett, popularized it in 1859. The song was considered the Confederate anthem, and was originally premiered in a minstrel show.2 In my last blog post about minstrelsy, I explained how the problematic minstrelsy tradition was “baked into the pie” of American culture.6 This is another great example of this, with a word referring to a problematic past being commonplace throughout.

Second, the musical genre of ragtime (or rag) is also intertwined with a difficult and racist past. Ragtime is defined as “a syncopated musical style, one forerunner of jazz, a predominant style of American popular music from about 1899-1917.”3 The songs were influenced by and developed within minstrelsy, especially the characteristic syncopation which was influenced by the conception that syncopation was a trait of African American music.3 Many types of popular songs during the ragtime era were referred to as “coon songs,” which are racially denigrating songs that were meant to make fun of the typical African American speech, typing black people as foolish, thieves, highly sexted, and violent.4 However, a surprising thing about these songs is that many African American composers partook in the writing of these songs, saying that they were reclaiming their racial identity.4 Despite its reputation, the coon song was responsible for advancing the careers of many black entertainers and songwriters and paved the way for later popular black music genres, particularly the blues. Between 1905 and 1910, ragtime songs gradually lost their exclusively racial character, and any American song with a strongly rhythmic nature was given the description “ragtime.”3 Ragtime has had its fair share of revivals in the 1950’s and 1960’s, and is even studied in many academic settings now. However, many have lost the origins of minstrelsy and racism it arose from.

Overall, many people are unaware of the complex, racially insensitive history behind the genre of ragtime, as well as how it evolved and was influenced through minstrelsy. “That dixie rag” is a great example of many problematic elements that were overlooked at the time, and how it can be uncovered today.


WORKS CITED

1. O’Keefe, Edward M., Melcher, Charles L. That dixie rag. Fred G. Heberlein & Co., 1911. https://webapp1.dlib.indiana.edu/metsnav/inharmony/navigate.do?oid=https://fedora.dlib.indiana.edu/fedora/get/iudl:344388/METADATA&pn=2&size=screen 

2. “Dixie,” Britannica Academic. https://academic-eb-com.ezproxy.stolaf.edu/levels/collegiate/article/Dixie/30701

3. “Ragtime” Oxford Music Online.  https://www-oxfordmusiconline-com.ezproxy.stolaf.edu/grovemusic/display/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.001.0001/omo-9781561592630-e-1002252241#omo-9781561592630-e-1002252241

4. Neal, Brandi A. “Coon song.” Grove Music Online. 16 Oct. 2013; Accessed 22 Oct. 2024. https://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/grovemusic/view/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.001.0001/omo-9781561592630-e-1002249084.

5. https://www.merriam-webster.com/dictionary/jag

6. https://pages.stolaf.edu/americanmusic/2024/10/10/minstrelsy-in-the-usa/

Minstrels and Newspaper Advertisements

Today, we understand that the media plays an important role in cultivating a culture. Blackface minstrels were one of the first forms of widespread or “mainstream” American Media entertainment. This means that it played an influential role in the mainstream media that exists today. Newspapers were another way of spreading information and culture to a large audience. The following primary sources are taken from a Newspaper publishing company called the “Now Orleans Daily Creole” in the year 1856. 

Advertisement in the October 20th, 1856 publication of the “New Orleans Daily Creole”. “Armory Hall.” New Orleans Daily Creole (New Orleans, Louisiana), October 20, 1856: 2. Readex: African American Newspapers.

The first excerpt regarding “Armory Hall” was published on October 20th.1 The referenced group called “The Christy Minstrels”  was first formed by Edwin Pearce Christy, in 1842. The group consisted entirely of white performers in blackface. While this group was one of the first to travel as a unit and make a living off of it, by 1856(the year of the advertisements below) there was much more competition. 

Earlier on in the group’s career one audience member reviewed their performance as being “more amused by their caricatures than charmed by the power or sweetness of their music”(Nathan, 158)2. This, in combination with the advertisement’s use of the word “eccentricities” proves that the audience understood and encouraged the lack of reality in Minstrel performances, practices, and caricatures. The music was not at the forefront of minstrelsy. It was there to mock one of the biggest aspects of a culture that was not their own. 

Advertisement in the November 24th, 1856 publication of the “New Orleans Daily Creole”. “The Campbells.” New Orleans Daily Creole (New Orleans, Louisiana), November 24, 1856: 2. Readex: African American Newspapers.

The second excerpt was published only about a month after the first, on November 24th.3 It gives a little more credit to the performance as a whole by referencing the vocal, instrumental, and comedic aspects of the show to draw the audience in. This second advertisement references another white minstrel group who performed in blackface called “The Campbell Minstrels”. The excerpt also takes note of their director so one can assume that this group had a following just like “Christy Minstrels”. The popularity of Minstrel shows in general began in the 1820’s and clearly continued into the 1850s. Throughout these thirty years we can see its development because this source references the style of “burlesque”. We also know that Edwin Christy is credited with creating the 3-act show4
. Knowing that these traditions or styles were new to the time period proves that Minstrels played a large role in the development of American theater and mainstream media. 

It is also interesting to note that these performances were taking place in New Orleans. Many minstrels were popularized in the North, so to have these two traveling groups in the same southern location perform within a month of each other shows that minstrels were more common in the Southern United States than previously thought. While much of minstrel performance is lost on the modern audience or historian, the way they were advertised provides insight into perspectives of the average attendee. 

3 “The Campbells.” New Orleans Daily Creole (New Orleans, Louisiana), November 24, 1856: 2. Readex: African American Newspapers. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/readex/doc?p=EANAAA&sort=YMD_date%3AA&page=1&fld-base-0=alltext&val-base-0=Minstrel&val-database-0=&fld-database-0=database&fld-nav-0=YMD_date&val-nav-0=&docref=image/v2%3A11B849020C1891B3%40EANAAA-11B95E58D0501DF0%402399278-11B86D154E124B80%401-1211B2645EE918AF%40The%2BCampbells&firsthit=yes

4 Lott, Eric. “Chapter 1.” Essay. In Love and Theft: Blackface Minstrelsy and the American Working Class. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 1993. 

The Cakewalk: A Predeccesor

William A. Pratt’s Following Up The Band: An African Sonata for Piano, published in 1900, presents an example of how African American influences were making their way into notated music 1.

Following Up The Band: Cake Walk Characteristic Two Step March

 

 

The piece, written as a piano sonata, mimics the sound of a marching band parading through the streets, taking on the style of a characteristic two-step march. The cover of the score, showing men in tailcoats and a woman in Victorian dress, shows imagery associated with the cakewalk, a dance that played a role in shaping early American music. This imagery, along with the music itself, suggests a blend of the social and cultural practices of the time.

 

 

The cakewalk, a dance that was originally created to mock the European minuet, was adopted by Minstrel shows in the late 19th century. As John Jeremiah Sullivan points out, it began as a satire but was adopted by white performers as part of a caricature in their shows, creating a layered and looped irony: African Americans making fun of the minuet, and white people, in turn, making fun of the cakewalk2.

This irony, noted by writers like Amiri Baraka, reflects the complex relationship between African American culture and how mainstream society consumed it, particularly within minstrelsy3. Pratt’s African Sonata for Piano can be seen as part of this broader context. It combines the structure of a European sonata with a two-step rhythm that characterizes marching band music. I can not point to much syncopation or polyrhythms that would have been characteristic of a cakewalk, in the score, which makes me wonder about the performance practice for a sonata with the subtitle An African Sonata for Piano. 

Following up the band : an African sonata for piano

As we learn about the evolution of jazz, ragtime, and blues, the connection of the cakewalk becomes more apparent. Its influence on later musical forms is evident in works like Pratt’s, which, though written for piano, paints a picture of a marching band and the energy of a parade. The imagery on the score’s cover reinforces the connection to the cakewalk, reflecting the cultural dynamics of the time, both celebratory and ironic. This sonata serves as an example of how African American culture, despite being appropriated and caricatured in many contexts, was central to shaping later forms of American music as we know it.

 

1 William A. Pratt, Following up the band : cake walk characteristic two step march (New York, NY: K. Dehnhoff, 1900), accessed October 22 2024, https://dc.lib.unc.edu/cdm/compoundobject/collection/sheetmusic/id/35013/rec/1

2 Sullivan, John Jeremiah. “‘Shuffle Along’ and the Lost History of Black Performance in America” New York Times. March 24, 2016. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/27/magazine/shuffle-along-and-the-painful-history-of-black-performance-in-america.html

3 Baraka, Amiri. Blues People: The Negro Experience in White America and the Music that Developed from it. New York, NY: William Morrow and Company. https://search.alexanderstreet.com/view/work/bibliographic_entity|bibliographic_details|452295.

The 1851 World’s Fair and Polka: A Love Affair

When seeing anything from the World’s Fair, isn’t your first thought “Yeah, I bet there’s a polka about this”. I’m kidding, of course. No one thinks that. However, you may be surprised to learn of the phenomenon that is the World’s Fair Polka, as there are at least two of them. One that I could find was written by J.C. Beckel and the other by W. Vincent Wallace, and they both were written during the time of the 1851 World’s Fair.

the cover art of J.C. Beckel’s polka

Why polka? Well, it was actually a very popular form of music in the United States during that time and J.C. Beckel, being an American himself, would have been hearing a lot of that music during the time. W. Vincent Wallace was Irish, but polka had also gained a lot of popularity in Europe. 

cover for W. Vincent Wallace’s take on this idea

There is not a whole ton of scholarship on the likely reasons why polka music might have been these two composer’s choice of genre to write about the world’s fair, but it is quite an interesting thing to think about. I would wonder if these two ever knew each other or knew of each other’s similar compositions. I would wonder about the kind of venues these would be performed at. Would they have been performed at the World’s Fair?

from the Crystal Palace exhibition at the 1851 World’s Fair

While there are always many questions to be asked and not as many answers to be found, I will leave you with this- isn’t it so interesting that musical genres and ideas can line up in incredibly interesting ways like this? It really makes a person think about all of the connections humans make all the time, sometimes without even knowing it.

 

Works Referenced:

Beckel, J. C. The World’s Fair polka. Philadelphia: T. C. Andrews, 1851. Notated Music. https://www.loc.gov/item/2023804129/.

“Beckel, James Cox 20.Dec.1811-2.Feb.1905 USA Pennsylvania, Philadelphia – Philadelphia Organist, Studied with Filippo Traetta and at the American Conservatory of Music Philadelphia, 1824-1832 Organist of St James Episcopal Church in Lancaster Pennsylvania ccm :: Beckel, James Cox Beckel. Accessed October 22, 2024. https://composers-classical-music.com/b/BeckelJamesCox.htm.

The rebellious, scandalous origins of polka – JSTOR daily. Accessed October 23, 2024. https://daily.jstor.org/the-rebellious-scandalous-origins-of-polka/.

Wallace, W. Vincent. The World’s Fair polka. New York: William Hall and Son, 1851. Notated Music. https://www.loc.gov/item/2023804034/.

“William Vincent Wallace.” Contemporary Music Centre, October 14, 2024. https://www.cmc.ie/composers/william-vincent-wallace.

The Romantic South Joins the War Effort!

In the spring of 1917, America officially went to war. “The Great War”, “The War to End All Wars”, Americans at the time called it. For some, it brought back some not-so-happy memories from the American Civil War. Naturally, the Ziegfeld Follies decided to do a song about it.

The Cover of “The Dixie Volunteers” by Edgar Leslie and Harry Ruby

“The Dixie Volunteers” is a song composed by Edgar Leslie and Harry Ruby for the Ziegfeld Follies, a theatrical production consisting of many musical and sketch acts, and a pioneer of the popular theater forms of the day. The Follies would often attract sought-after stars, notably, Bert Williams, as touring was not necessary due to the Follies being produced on Broadway. “The Dixie Volunteers” was sung by Eddie Cantor, the year of his debut on the Follies. He would stick around for another ten years, performing in blackface with Bert Williams and in other acts.

The written chorus of “The Dixie Volunteers”,

The song itself is an ode to the southern men who volunteered to go serve in the first World War. It begins like many standard war songs of the day, describing the men all lined up, marching, getting ready to set sail, and how badly they are going to beat the enemy. Upon the chorus, however, the song arrives at a point that is a common feature of many popular songs of the day, which is romanticizing the “old south”, before reconstruction. The lyrics tell us about how they’re coming from “the land of Old Black Joe”, a minstrel song about a dying slave, and about how they’ve gone from “peaceful sons” to “fighting men like Stonewall Jackson and Robert E. Lee”.

This song reflects the common trend of the day of romanticizing the old south, a famous example of which is Louis Armstrong’s “When It’s Sleepy Time Down South”. This song could be offering an appeal to a broader audience as opposed to just the people in New York City who happen to see Broadway Shows. Apparently it worked, as according to Karen Cox, author of Dreaming of Dixie: How the South was created in American popular culture it became incredibly popular. The idea she suggests in her book of music and film and theatrics contributing to the romantic Southern image corresponds strongly with the common ideas of how the Southern image was formed.

Cox, K. L. (2011). Dreaming of Dixie : how the South was created in American popular culture (1st ed.). University of North Carolina Press.

League, The Broadway. “IBDB.Com.” IBDB, www.ibdb.com/broadway-cast-staff/eddie-cantor-5198. Accessed 22 Oct. 2024.

Leslie, Edgar. Composer. “Ziegfeld follies (1917) Dixie volunteers.” Digital Gallery. BGSU University Libraries, 23 May 2022, digitalgallery.bgsu.edu/items/show/33991. Accessed 22 Oct. 2024.

 

“Looney Coons” – The Problem With Minstrelsy-Aged Piano Repertoire

When we think of the term “looney”, many of us envision the literal definition – silly, strange, or funny. Others align the word with the beloved cartoon series, “Looney Tunes”, a film series of charming cartoon characters (Bugs Bunny, Daffy Duck, etc) that originally ran from 1930-1969 during the “Golden Age” of American animation. However, in the context of late 19th-early 20th-century minstrel shows and entertainment, “looney” was used frequently to describe the personalities of African-Americans, as portrayed by black-face minstrel performers. What made African Americans “looney” in black-face minstrelsy? This question invites a deeper discussion into how the term was used to reinforce harmful stereotypes through exaggerated performances, ultimately shaping societal perceptions and contributing to a legacy of racism in American culture.

After scouring the Sheet Music Consortium database, I came across a solo piano repertoire piece that raised my eyebrow entitled “Looney Coons”. The piece, published in 1900, is a short solo piano repertoire work composed by John T. Hall. Hall, born John T. Newcomer in 1875, Hall experienced success relatively early with his waltz “The Wedding Of The Winds”, which is still his most famous work today. Later in life, Hall was involved in a scam using the business name Knickerbocker Harmony Studios, where he falsely advertised prizes for song contests, while only offering the submitters help in publishing their songs — for a fee. For this, Hall was convicted and sentenced to two years in the federal penitentiary in Atlanta.

Cover page of “Looney Coons: Cake Walk & Two Step”, a solo piano work composed by John T. Hall in 1900.

Hall didn’t compose many works, but “Looney Coons” is one that did not age well after the black-face minstrel period was surpassed. While the composition itself seems tame, the title page cover showcases off-putting imagery of four black-face minstrel figures happily galivanting, dressed in affluent garb that was commonly worn by upper-middle-class white audiences. The title, “Looney Coons”, is sprawled across the cover in garish, yet eye-catching font, with the supplemental text reading “Cake Walk & Two Step”. The cakewalk was a dance form that became popularized before the United States Civil War originally performed by slaves on plantations. Lakshmi Ghandi states on NPR, “Plantation owners served as judges for these contests — and the slave owners might not have fully caught on that their slaves might just have been mocking them during these highly elaborate dances”. While “Looney Coons” may reflect a specific historical context, the imagery and title evoke deeply troubling emotions, revealing how entertainment can perpetuate harmful narratives, especially in minstrel shows. 

Sheet music (pg. 1 of 6) in “Looney Coons: Cake Walk & Two-Step” (Hall, 1900).

Upon reviewing “Looney Coons”, my observations draw me back to the conversations we had in class about black-face minstrelsy. Through this performance practice, African Americans were painted in a harmful, stereotypical light that perceived them as lazy, unintelligent, and, namely, looney. Hall’s decision to publish black-face minstrel imagery for a piano work entitled “Looney Coons” not only perpetuates a legacy of racism in American culture but also reinforces the idealogy of African Americans being lesser. “Looney Coons” reflects the troubling legacy of minstrel shows, urging us to confront harmful racial stereotypes in music. 

 

WORKS CITED

  1. Duke University. “The African American Experience: The Cakewalk.” Duke University Libraries, Duke University, https://repository.duke.edu/dc/hasm/b0850.
  2. Smith, Treye. “The Extraordinary Story of Why a Cakewalk Wasn’t Always Easy.” NPR, 23 Dec. 2013, https://www.npr.org/sections/codeswitch/2013/12/23/256566647/the-extraordinary-story-of-why-a-cakewalk-wasnt-always-easy.

Josephine Baker: Success Across the Pond

Among the most famous Black performers of the vaudeville era is Josephine Baker. According to an article in the newspaper “Plaindealer” from Topeka, Kansas, she had a career as a chorus girl in America, but her career really took off when she brought her unique dancing to Europe. The focus of this article is the raging success of Black American performers with European audiences, even while they remained unknown in the US.

One thing I found notable about the description of Baker in this newspaper article was the focus on her appearance, which is brought up multiple times. Here is an excerpt from the beginning of the article:

“… it has been said that she was the greatest drawing card in the old world. Tall and slender, a teasing, tantalizing brown, she has swept the men completely off their feet.”

This quote, describing the color of her skin alone as “teasing,” illuminates to me how there is an element of exoticism in Baker’s success. The writers don’t describe her as just beautiful, but as if the way she looks is a mischievous invitation. This is quickly confirmed upon doing a quick search of the act that she became famous for in Paris, which involved her dancing in just a short skirt of bananas and a beaded necklace, and is very uncomfortable to watch due to its undeniably racist and objectifying nature. I am reminded of Lott’s “Love and Theft,” and the idea of fascination with Black bodies as motivation for minstrelsy. Not only is she admired for her skill, but also as a spectacle.

Despite the dehumanizing themes of Baker’s performances that disturb us looking back, the benefit to her is obvious. The newspaper article writes:

“From poverty and obscurity in the United States, Josephine ‘Black Bottomed’ her way to fame and wealth abroad […] She toured country after country until her name blazed forth on every newspaper”

In light of this success, Baker’s choice to become a French citizen in 1937 makes sense. Even after her success in France and across Europe, Baker was met with negative press upon her return to the US. The newspaper article from “Plaindealer” closes with a thought on why this might be. According to the author, America is bereft of opportunity for Black performers, even if their talent is recognized. In Europe however, opportunity and recognition converge to allow Black performers to reach their true potential in front of receptive audiences.

Jeffers, Beda. “Is Europe Haven for Sepia Theatrical Stars?” Plaindealer, vol. XLV, no. 43, 15 Nov. 1930, p 1-2. URL.
Josephine Baker. “Biography – The Official Licensing Website of Josephine Baker.” Accessed October 16, 2024. http://www.cmgww.com/stars/baker/about/biography/.

Knowledge Through Papers, Expression Through Poems

The first African American or Afro American owned newspaper, The Freedom’s Journal, created a space for Black people to share information, opportunity, creativity, and expression. Despite its short life and changing motivations later in its existence, The Freedom’s Journal set a precedent for the Black voice through knowledge and poetry.

The Freedom’s Journal, founded and edited by John B. Russwurm, Reverend Samuel E. Cornish, and likely other free Black men who are not credited. With issues published weekly from March 16, 1827 to March 28, 1829, the newspaper was circulated in eleven states in the US as well as internationally in a few countries (PBS). Only publishing issues for a little over two years, The Freedom’s Journal inception inspired other Black owned papers over the decades, with “over 40 black-owned and operated papers…established throughout the United States” by the US Civil War (PBS).

Drawing of John B. Russwurm from “The Afro-American Press and its Editors”.

Drawing of Samuel E. Cornish from BlackPast.org

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Initially advocating for the abolition of slavery, the newspaper kept its stance on Black Freedom, however, later evolving to be more geared towards promoting the colonization movement, a type of “response movement” to the increasing number of freed slaves and free Black people. Essentially a movement that wanted to remove free Black people from the US to begin colonies in Africa or in the far West, this change in motivations for the newspaper is likely a contribution to the end of The Freedom’s Journal. Readers likely stopped supporting this newfound messaging, in part because the US was home for these free Black people, as well as because of the both underlying and outwardly racist sentiments that motivated the movement.

To S.L.F — A poem likely written by the anonymous poet, Arion, about the feelings they experience parting ways with an unnamed friend.

Within each newspaper of The Freedom’s Journal contained information about schooling, jobs, Black achievement, foreign news, and social affairs, including weddings, deaths and funerals, and life anecdotes that correspondents sent in. A prominent article in most issues was a “poetry” section that included one or two poems, likely from correspondents who submitted stanzas or completed poems to the journal.

Catching my eye throughout my poetry reads was the name “Arion”, likely an alias fittingly inspired from the poet and musician, Arion, from Greek mythology. Arion seemed to be a regular correspondent to the journal, having thirteen of their poems included in thirteen separate issues between 1827 and 1828. Arion submitted poems centering love, loss, emotion and thoughts on the past and changing times, as well as submitting anecdotes from their life, sharing information such as how to cure a toothache with the newspapers’ readers. Unfortunately, I was unable to track down the real identity of Arion, however, it’s clear that The Freedom’s Journal served as an opportunity for writers to put out and practice their art. The newspaper created space for writers and poets to share and engage with their community during times of discrimination and dehumanization.

Other poems featured in the newspaper included topics of Black struggle becoming and existing under enslavement, some notable poems being “The African Chief” by Bryant in the March 16, 1827 issue and “The Tears of a Slave” by Africus in the March 14, 1828 issue. Both poems surround the capture and enslavement of anonymous black individuals from the continent of Africa, noting the hardship and sadness of being torn from family. Other issues included poems that empowered Black people, for example, “The Black Beauty” from Solomon’s Songs beginning with the lines: 

‘Black, I am, oh! daughters fair,’
But my beauty is most rare;
Black indeed, appears my skin,
Beauteous, comely, all within

“The Black Beauty” is introduced with words by the New-Haven Chronicle, likely the entity that submitted the poem, describing that this poem is meant to uplift Black people and to show that, despite the oppression they face by White people, both races are humans and are no different from one another apart from their skin color.

These poems highlight the emotions and topics relevant to the free and literate Black person’s experience in the late 1820’s and provided an expressive outlet for writers and poets alike to share with their readers. Though it’s unlikely that enslaved people in the Southern US were able to access these newspapers, the newspapers created opportunities for free Black people in New York and within the Northern US to share information, build community, spread feelings of pain, happiness, loss, and learning.


Bibliography

“Arion Summary”. Encyclopaedia Britannica, 2024. Britannica, https://www.britannica.com/summary/Arion-Greek-poet-and-musician. Accessed 13 Oct. 2024.

“Freedom’s Journal”. PBS. https://www.pbs.org/blackpress/news_bios/newbios/nwsppr/freedom/freedom.html. Accessed 11 Oct. 2024.

“Freedom’s Journal Newspaper is Published”. African American Registry, 2024. https://aaregistry.org/story/the-first-black-newspaper-freedoms-journal/. Accessed 11 Oct. 2024.

Penn. I. Garland. “The Afro-American Press and its Editors”. Willey & Co, Massachusetts 1891. Wellesley College Digital Repository, https://repository.wellesley.edu/object/wellesley30303. Accessed 12 Oct. 2024.

“The African Chief.” Freedom’s Journal, 16 Mar. 1827, p. 4. Readex: African American Newspapers, https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/readex/openurl?ctx_ver=z39.88-2004&rft_id=info%3Asid/infoweb.newsbank.com&svc_dat=EANAAA&req_dat=102FE1F6CA316FA2&rft_val_format=info%3Aofi/fmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Actx&rft_dat=document_id%3Aimage%252Fv2%253A132FB88A16969E1C%2540EANAAA-132FC89EEDB64928%25402388432-132FC0E94E4D3970%25403-1389CB4A75C2513A%2540. Poetry. Accessed 12 Oct. 2024.

“The Colonization Movement.” Indiana Historical Bureau, 2024. https://www.in.gov/history/for-educators/all-resources-for-educators/resources/underground-railroad/gwen-crenshaw/the-colonization-movement/#:~:text=The%20colonization%20movement%20began%20in,remain%20in%20the%20slave%20states. Accessed 11 Oct. 2024. 

“The Black Beauty.” Freedom’s Journal, 8 June 1827, p. 4. Readex: African American Newspapers, https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/readex/openurl?ctx_ver=z39.88-2004&rft_id=info%3Asid/infoweb.newsbank.com&svc_dat=EANAAA&req_dat=102FE1F6CA316FA2&rft_val_format=info%3Aofi/fmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Actx&rft_dat=document_id%3Aimage%252Fv2%253A132FB88A16969E1C%2540EANAAA-132FC8A94D2B6A08%25402388516-132FC0E9758971C0%25403-138A3AC27A98F47D%2540. Poetry. Accessed 13 Oct. 2024.

“The Tears of a Slave.” Freedom’s Journal, 14 Mar. 1828, p. 4. Readex: African American Newspapers, https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/readex/openurl?ctx_ver=z39.88-2004&rft_id=info%3Asid/infoweb.newsbank.com&svc_dat=EANAAA&req_dat=102FE1F6CA316FA2&rft_val_format=info%3Aofi/fmt%3Akev%3Amtx%3Actx&rft_dat=document_id%3Aimage%252Fv2%253A132FB88A16969E1C%2540EANAAA-132FC8D665FECE80%25402388796-132FC0EA0714AEE0%25403-138B6FD7C12DA122%2540. Poetry. Accessed 12 Oct. 2024.

“To S.L.F”. Freedom’s Journal, 14 Mar. 1828, p. 4. Readex: African American Newspapers, https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/readex/doc?p=EANAAA&t=pubname%3A132FB88A16969E1C%21Freedom%2527s%2BJournal&sort=YMD_date%3AA&fld-base-0=alltext&val-base-0=arion&fld-nav-0=YMD_date&val-nav-0=&docref=image/v2%3A132FB88A16969E1C%40EANAAA-132FC8D665FECE80%402388796-132FC0EA0714AEE0%403-138B6FD7C12DA122%40Poetry&firsthit=yes#copy. Poetry. Accessed 12 Oct. 2024

A Stands for Adam

Published under the name of “Iron Gray,” The Gospel of Slavery was a book ahead of its time. At first glance, the typical person today would grimace at the amount of detail this book goes into. After a bit more research though, the narrative changes.

Thomas, Abel C. (Abel Charles). The gospel of slavery: a primer of freedom. By Iron Gray.

Abel C. Thomas was an antislavery activist from Philidelphia. In 1864, two years after the Emancipation Proclamation was signed, he wrote this alphabet book to help the children of the African American populations who had been freed to learn to read. The reason why the pseudonym “Iron Gray” was used is unknown, though I can only assume that it was for protectionary purposes.

Thomas, Abel C. (Abel Charles). The gospel of slavery: a primer of freedom. By Iron Gray.

In order to make these books more accessible to these people, especially children, he used situations that these former slaves knew all too well to help teach the letters of the English alphabet.

Thomas, Abel C. (Abel Charles). The gospel of slavery: a primer of freedom. By Iron Gray.

While the details of some pages can make the average person today feel uncomfortable, this was the reality for so many freed slaves in the 1860s. I would greatly recommend giving this book a read-through and seeing for yourself the complete contents of this book.

Thomas, Abel C. (Abel Charles). The gospel of slavery: a primer of freedom. By Iron Gray.

Sources:

Liturgical music in new light

Spiritual liturgical music in the church and services are often held in very high standing by people. They are viewed as holy and that they must be performed with that in mind. In the year 1827 that was especially true. Racism was a prominent factor in the lives of Afro Americans during that time. They were not allowed to do what their white counterparts could and had to worry about their safety. These things also affected those in the music community. These liturgicals were performed by who was deemed to be worthy of the music. This in most cases meant white individuals. These were also predominantly that of white men too. In the African American newspaper I found that it was written in 1827. It is talking about a unique performance of a liturgical being performed by black performers. How incredible it was to witness that unique situation unfold. The author speaks of those who will laugh at this performance. That they will find these holy works being performed by African Americans. The performers were not very experienced but the performance was viewed by the author as not  ordinary. This was all witnessed by the author in person which makes it a reliable source to pull from. Another factor is that it was written by an African American, which means that bias that might be held by white writers was not brought into this entry. That means an honest opinion and accounting is held and this part of history is portrayed accurately and faithfully. 

E, J. (1827b, October 12). Observer No VI. Readex A division of Newsbank. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/readex/doc?p=EANAAA&sort=YMD_date%3AA&fld-base-0=alltext&val-base-0=Music%20performance%20&val-database-0=&fld-database-0=database&fld-nav-0=YMD_date&val-nav-0=&docref=image/v2%3A132FB88A16969E1C%40EANAAA-132FC8BFE44F41F0%402388642-132FC0E9B73F3428%402-138B6F9D7689E22D%40Observer.–No%2BVI&firsthit=yes

The Unwritten History of Peter M Slocum, American Luthier

The history of making stringed instruments is a long and well documented one. However, if you look closer you will see that there seem to be a few gaps. This week as I was doing my research I came across a few summaries from the April 11, 1828 edition of Freedom’s Journal. One of which discusses a man named Peter M. Slocum and describes him as a man who had an ingenious method of crafting string instruments, even saying that his method made the instruments sound better than those from Cremona, Italy (this is in reference to the violins of Stradivari, Amati, Guarneri, etc).

The summary in question

As this is such a hefty claim, it immediately piqued my interest. Much to my dismay, there was almost nothing to be found. I began to wonder if this man ever existed. A quick visit to Google did show one result: that there is documentation of one of his violins. It’s quite interesting looking, with almost no edges and shaped more like a guitar than a traditional violin.

One of Slocum’s violins, on display at the Museum of Fine Arts Boston

Since I had half determined that this was an actual person, I decided to continue on. An extensive search in the Afro-Americana Imprints from the Library Company of Philadelphia database proved to be no help as almost all mentions of the violin were parts of stories such as Swallow Barn by JP Kennedy, where the author is either writing about someone playing violin, using it to describe a certain sound, or other various uses. I then traipsed over to Google Scholar in hope of finding something. I got one result, which was from a dissertation on American Violin making by Sarah Gilbert Pickett, a student at Florida State University. She mentions Slocum and even gives his dates and a footnote. As I excitedly check the footnote I am left in despair as I click the link and am sent to an error, as the page does not exist anymore. Furthermore, the footnote was from the website of the Boston Fine Arts museum and would have simply been about the guitar shaped violin of his they had on exhibit. Pickett describes him as a “particularly interesting” violin maker but offers no solid proof that she has any information about him other than his interesting looking violin.

Drawing depicting the act of violin making

I have now been left with more questions than answers. Could it be due to his race or some other aspect about himself that there is such little information? Since I was unable to find out anything in that regard, I do not know. How does someone who has left entire instruments behind have almost no actual documentation? Could this possibly be a pen name someone was operating under? What can we do to uncover these lost histories and is there any way that can even happen?

Works Referenced:

Guitar-shaped violin – works – Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Accessed October 11, 2024. https://collections.mfa.org/objects/51310.

Kennedy, John Pendleton. Swallow barn, or A sojourn in the Old Dominion. By J.P. Kennedy. New York City: George P. Putnam, 1851. Readex: Afro-Americana Imprints from the Library Company of Philadelphia. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/readex/doc?p=AFAMER&docref=image/v2%3A13D59FCC0F7F54B8%40EAIX-147E02C84431E210%40-14BA4E5019A86BA0%4023.

Pickett, Sarah Gilbert. “Tradition and Innovation in American Violin Making.” Order No. 28320843, The Florida State University, 2021, https://www.proquest.com/dissertations-theses/tradition-innovation-american-violin-making/docview/2547053260/se-2 (accessed October 11, 2024).

“Summary.” Freedom’s Journal (New York, New York), April 11, 1828: 5. Readex: African American Newspapers. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/readex/doc?http://p=EANAAA&docref=image/v2%3A132FB88A16969E1C%40EANAAA-132FC8D8C1791728%402388824-132FC3AB84B04D58%404-1389CB5BB343DEC0%40Summary.

The African American Orchestra

While most American “classically trained” musicians around the turn of the 20th century were white, a notable figure making strides to change that was found in Albert Mando, a black composer, conductor, and educator. Founder of the Mando Mozart Conservatory, a New York based music school for African Americans, Mando was considered “the most distinguished negro teacher and leader of music in the United States” at the time of his death in 1912.

For the decades that he ran the school, Mando and his students received plenty of attention from black run press. Being the only conductor of color of a “musical art and symphony society” of his time, he was seen as a dominant figure in paving the way for black classical musicians.

Anther notable black conductor of the time is Walter F. Craig, founder of Craig’s Orchestra. A large difference between Craig’s and Mando’s ensembles is that while Mando had entirely black students, Craig’s Orchestra was around half white for the first several decades of its existence. However, Craig’s impact may be just as great, introducing many black musicians to the stage as solo artists.

While Mando and Craig had a tremendous effect on black musicians being accepted in classical settings, it would still be several more decades before black conductors would direct major all-white groups. We recognize names such as William Grant Still, Everett Lee, and Henry Lewis because of their own incredible contributions to the music world, but much of the work to get African American classical musicians accepted at an equal level to white ones was started decades before by people most have forgotten.

Works Cited

“Albert Francis Mando (1846-1912) Composer, Conductor, and Instructor of Music.” Lansingburgh Historical Society, Lansingburgh Historical Society, 3 Feb. 2017, www.lansingburghhistoricalsociety.org/in-the-news/albert-francis-mando-1846-1912-composer-conductor-and-instructor-of-music.

“Craig’s Christmas Reception.” New York Age, 1891, p. 3. African American Newspapers, Accessed 11 Oct. 2024.

“In the Musical Realm. What Mr. Albert F. Mando Is Doing to Popularize; the Classics-a Rare Treat.” Colored American, 1899, p. [2]. African American Newspapers, Accessed 11 Oct. 2024.

“Mando’s Orchestra. A New York Musician Developing in the Negro Race a Taste for the Classic.” Colored American, 1902, p. 10. African American Newspapers, Accessed 11 Oct. 2024.

“A Noted Musician. The Greatest Conductor of the Negro Race.” Colored American, 1903, p. 2. African American Newspapers, Accessed 11 Oct. 2024.

 

“A New Race”: Theater and Societal Values

In a 1982 advertisement in The Chicago Metro News (Issue 13, Volume 16, June 12, 1982), I came across this intriguing summary of a play:

“The play tells about a sterility bomb that has been dropped on the whole wide world, sterilizing all but one male human being, and he is a Black man, and has to repopulate the entire world.1

The Chicago Metro News (Issue 13, Volume 16, June 12, 1982)

This play, titled A New Race, was written by Alice C. Browning and presented at the 12th annual International Black Writers’ Conference. I was curious to learn more about the play’s plot and reception, and to my surprise, I found little to no information about it beyond that newspaper mention. However, I did learn more about Alice C. Browning and her important contributions to African American literature and the arts.

In 1970, nearing retirement from teaching, Browning met with fellow leaders in the African American community, including Judge Sidney Jones and Leo Sparks, at the Washington Park Community Fieldhouse to plan the first annual International Black Writers Conference.

Alice C. Browning (1907–1985) was an educator, writer, and publisher. While studying at Columbia University, she developed an interest in writing short stories but faced rejection when submitting her work to magazines. This experience led her to create an outlet for African Americans to publish their stories, which resulted in the founding of Negro Story magazine, a publication that ran for nine issues. She continued exploring new ventures in publishing and eventually became one of the founding organizers of the International Black Writers’ Conference, established in 1970, around the time of her retirement.2

With so little information available about A New Race, I started thinking about how theater and performance spaces had changed by 1982. Theaters were no longer exclusively for white audiences, yet the fact that the play’s advertisement mentioned an interracial cast of actors and actresses feels significant. The fact that this detail needed to be highlighted suggests it was still uncommon. Additionally, the play itself, a science fiction comedy that critiqued nuclear warfare, seems bold for its time. The 1980s were marked by Cold War tensions, which makes me wonder how audiences received a play with themes like this at the time.

As we’ve discussed with minstrelsy, comedy on stage has often been used to mask deeper issues, sometimes as a way to caricature Black people for white audiences.3 This makes me wonder about Browning’s intent in casting a Black man as the last fertile male left to repopulate the world, in a satirical play. She was clearly passionate about getting African American voices out there, and I think there is something to say about the name of the theater that was going to be presenting this play, the Sankofa Inc. Theate. The play’s use of comedy to touch on Cold War anxieties, alongside an interracial cast and a Black lead, could easily have made some audiences uncomfortable. This  discomfort may have contributed to the lack of information about the play today. Perhaps it was underattended or underreported, which is why information on it is limited.

It’s interesting to think about how all these elements, nuclear warfare satire, race, and comedy, came together on stage in A New Race. And while I wasn’t able to uncover more about the play itself, it leaves me wondering about its impact and how it might have been received at the time.

1 “A New Race of People.” Chicago Metro News (Chicago, Illinois) 16, no. 31, June 12, 1982: PAGE 16. Readex: African American Newspapers. https://infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/readex/doc?p=EANAAA&docref=image/v2%3A12912DF42BF1884F%40EANAAA-12B78B1955820310%402445133-12B78B1A38C0B790%4031-12B78B1CB1DD51E0%40A%2BNew%2BRace%2Bof%2BPeople.

2 Browning, Alice Papers, Chicago Public Library, Carter G. Woodson Regional Library, Vivian G. Harsh Research Collection of Afro-American History and Literature

3 Sullivan, John Jeremiah. “‘Shuffle Along’ and the Lost History of Black Performance in America.” The New York Times Magazine, March 24, 2016. https://www.nytimes.com/2016/03/27/magazine/shuffle-along-and-the-painful-history-of-black-performance-in-america.html.

 

 

 

Bias in the Music Industry

Black Americans have produced some of the most prolific and influential styles and genres as music, as well as some of the most influential songs. However, unfortunately for many years they were not able to receive any sort of credit or royalties from their music for many many years. The main reason they weren’t able to reach the level of fame that the white American musicians had at the time was mainly because of segregation present in the music industry, especially the recording industry. In the 1880s and beyond, musicians gained revenue from their works in two ways: through selling sheet music and through selling recordings. Black Americans were not able to access either of these things at the time.

In 1914, the American Society of Composers, Authors, and Publishers founded in hopes of preventing copyright. Black Americans unfortunately were very poorly represented in this committee despite being the population that suffered the most from stolen and copyrighted works. Within 170 members of the committee, only 6 were black. However, another issue in printed music was people had to have experience in reading music, most of them from the time they were little, to be able to be musically literate. However, these learning experiences were often times not offered to Black Americans growing up because of the schools being segregated and the lack of music education offered. Therefore, there were many Black Americans who had an extraordinary amount of talent but were not given the privilege of music education, so despite their works being very good, weren’t able to receive profit from the printed music industry. However, there were some exceptions. A white music publisher named John Stillwell Stark created a publishing deal with Scott Joplin who was a Black American composer, known for his ragtime compositions. This publishing deal was very successful which highlights the competency of Black American musicians, as well as how sad it is that so many talented musicians were not given these opportunities.

In the recording industry, very few Black American musicians were given the chance to record their songs because of bias from producers and talent agents. Although there were some exceptions, such as George Washington Johnson and Arthur Seals, many talented musicians were overlooked and not given the opportunity to gain success from their music. Instead, many white musicians stole songs written by black musicians and recorded them to gain profit. The style of blues, although created by Black Americans, was recorded on records most of the time by white musicians imitating, or appropriating the style. There were so many talented Black Americans who did not get any recognition, while many white people did. One example of this is Elvis Presley. Although Elvis Presley is extremely talented and good at what he does, a lot of his success he attained while getting ideas from talented black musicians, who didn’t receive even a quarter of the success that he did. Therefore many Black Americans were overlooked while Elvis Presley became one of the most famous rock musicians of all time.

This highlights the lack of rights Black Americans had and is very sad. It also highlights the work that still must be done to give Black Americans equal rights and an equal chance at success. As Americans, we must do better to create a safer and more equal future for those here and those to come.

https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781315472096-14/industrializing-african-american-popular-music-reebee-garofalo?context=ubx&refId=1f34259a-ab47-4287-8930-894d87ce57cb

Maultsby, Portia K., and Mellonee V. (Mellonee Victoria) Burnim, editors. Issues in African American Music : Power, Gender, Race, Representation. Routledge, 2017.

 

 

Blackface: The New Big Trend in Entertainment Strikes Gold

The Plaindealer, a newspaper of Topeka, Kansas, built to serve its African-American population, no longer exists. It died some thirty years after its owner, Nick Chiles, passed away. It was, as the Kansas Historical society states, “among the strongest Black newspapers in the nation, and the longest running.” It ran for over 50 years, from 1899 to 1958.

Newspapers in general are an excellent example of something that existed for an incredibly long time and almost immediately died with the rise of the digital age. The Plaindealer wrote about their predictions for the future of entertainment in their 1931 article about Blackface in entertainment.

The Cover of the January 31st, 1931 edition of the Topeka Plaindealer. The headline reads “Does Black Face Acting Expert a Magic Spell over American Audiences?”
by George Santa

In this edition of the Plaindealer, Santa writes about the popularity of Blackface acting in films of the time. He writes that “It seems peculiarly significant that blackface acting has had such tremendous acceptance in the United States. There appears to be some degree of actual “luck” attendant upon all those who have adopted it.” Throughout the article, he lists and highlights different actors who have achieved great success from making use of blackface, including Al Jolson, Correll and Gosden, the creators of incredibly popular Radio Sitcom “Amos n’ Andy”, Ethel Barrymore, and Eddie Cantor. Bert Williams was highlighted several times throughout, often as a “predecessor” and a model for other blackface actors.

At the very end of the article, Santa considers the success that blackface and minstrelsy has granted its actors. He calls to attention how frankly odd the practice is. He writes that “The whole condition is one which would lend itself undoubtedly to the analysis of psychological experts. It has no counterpart either here or abroad.” He never explains why blackface might be so popular among audiences, but he does make very clear that the audience demands what the actors are putting out, not the other way around. Actors were putting on blackface in reaction to what people demanded. He offers one possible reasoning at the very end. “The tragic condition of the American Negro in the popularity of the blackface artist paradoxically gives rise to a much more hilariously funny form of entertainment than any situation in the United States. Nor does the acceptability show any signs of abating,” Santa writes.

Santa’s article on the film industry provokes quite some thought. Why did audiences find blackface so entertaining? At what point did actors like Ethel Barrymore decide to cave and blacken their faces in order to find success? Did they realize what they were doing was morally dubious, to say the least? The article serves an interesting purpose, which is to let the reader wonder about these questions themselves, as it offers little explanation, and focuses primarily on exposing these popular actors for donning blackface. After all, the title asks “Does Blackface”, rather than “Why does Blackface”. I can only assume the answer that Santa offers is yes.

Minstrelsy in the USA

The act of blackface minstrelsy was a form of entertainment in white American circles that started in the 1830’s and fell from popularity in the 1920’s.4 It serves to imitate the culture of African Americans, and consists of white performers who painted their faces black to resemble African Americans. The act itself was incredibly racist, serving to exaggerate and exemplify harmful stereotypes of African Americans. Some examples of this are exaggerated characters, deliberately painting a smile on their faces to perpetuate the lie that black people are happy to be enslaved, and highly exaggerating elements of African American culture, such as their dancing, singing, and vernacular. The use of music also helped with this, as music is a powerful way to shape opinion, and minstrel shows were not found without music accompanying. By the 1850’s, the peak of minstrelsy, the typical minstrel show had two parts: the first part with comic exchanges, ballads, and solo performances, and the second part which was vaudeville with specialty acts, clog dances, jigs, female impersonations, and burlesque of popular dramas.4 And the craziest part: these performances were normalized within the white community, being one of the most popular forms of entertainment of it’s time. There were ten theaters in New York alone dedicated to minstrelsy.4

An advertisement for a minstrel show. New Orleans Daily Creole; November 19, 1856

Minstrel troupes were most popular in the North, but were found throughout the United States. Some more well known troupes would tour often, as shown in the primary source above. The source is from the November 18, 1856 copy of the New Orleans Daily Creole, and advertises the third week of the celebrated Campbell Minstrels, their director Matt Peel, and their programs of “burlesque, negro farce, and black vigils” as well as a show entitled “plantation past times.”1 The advertisement also proclaims that the shows are “Negro Minstrelsy, by the Model Troupe of the World!!”1

The cover of the score for “Poor Nelly Ann,” composed by the Campbell Minstrels, depicting the troupe in (bottom photos) and out (top photos) of blackface.

This advertisement is a great example of the negative, exaggerated, and racist nature of these performances. For one, the whole troupe and the director are in fact white blackface performers, who have taken African American culture and created a negative stereotypical experience.

The program from a Campbell Minstrels’ show in Massachusetts in 1852.

In a program from the Campbell Minstrels from a performance in Massachusetts in 1852, there are examples of dances (quickstep) and music (banjo duet, drum and tambourine solos, bone castanet) that exemplify the African American culture.2 There are three sections, and the third section is titled with a derogatory term towards African Americans preceded by the word “plantation,” signifying that they are emulating slaves.2

However, something interesting about both the advertisement and the program is that they both advertise burlesque, which led to vaudeville, and ultimately musical theater. These elements of stage performance are still present today, and many people are unaware of the influence that minstrelsy has had over culture today. The horrific, racist act of minstrelsy may be dead today, but we still must be aware of how it is baked into the pie of American culture. We must be aware and consider these results so that we can go forward with more awareness, sensitivity, and a more inclusive headspace so that such acts of degradation will not happen again.

SOURCES
1. “Campbell Minstrels.” In New Orleans Daily Creole. New Orleans, Louisiana, November, 19, 1856. https://infoweb.newsbank.com

2. “West & Peel’s old and original Campbell Minstrels!” in American Broadsides and Ephemera. Worcester, Massachusetts. 1852. https://infoweb.newsbank.com

3. “Poor Nelly Ann’ / composed and sung by the Campbell Minstrels.” 1848. https://digitalcollections-baylor.quartexcollections.com/Documents/Detail/poor-nelly-ann-composed-and-sung-by-the-campbell-minstrels./2023272

4. Salamone, Frank A. “Minstrelsy” from Encyclopedia of American Studies. 2021. https://search.credoreference.com/articles/Qm9va0FydGljbGU6NjcwNjc=

African Wit & Humor – A White Politicians Commentary on Negros

Imagine reading the Sunday morning paper. Hot off the presses, and just delivered to your door in an affluent neighborhood in Huntsville, Alabama – the year is 1882. You skip over the daily news and weather reports to get to your favorite section – the editorials. You skim over the gossip and advertisements, but suddenly, a title catches your eye: “African Wit and Humor. Congressman Cox on the Fun in a Negro’s Character”. 

Newspaper entitled “AFRICAN WIT AND HUMOR. Congressman Cox on the fun in a Negro’s Character. (Huntsville Gazette, 1882).

This newspaper article was published in the Huntsville Gazette on March 11th, 1882. The title is eye-catching because it makes a profound claim on the characteristics of black people during the height of the slave trade and the American Civil War in the late 19th century. Reading further into the article, it became apparent that the man giving commentary on the personalities of black people was a white congressman named Samuel S. Cox. Cox was a representative for both the states of Ohio and New York during his tenure in the U.S. House of Representatives. Cox traveled between jobs in the law and political spheres until he ultimately was elected to Congress from 1857-1865, and 1869-1889 (retiring 7 years after this article was published).

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Drawing of Samuel Sullivan Cox, date unknown.

The gist of the magazine article is that it recounts the night when Congressman Cox presented a lecture at the Lincoln Center in New York City on the personality trait of humor in African people. It goes on to give multiple examples, which were received with [Laughter] at the ends of each joke: 

“The African is like the kaleidoscope changing. He has his extremes of joy and sorrow, sin and pertinence. The elements of his character have puzzled the best analytical tests. The varying and brightly scintillating–flashes of his lighter nature are well-balanced to do this. “Bill,” said my father one day to a negro, “here’s a dram of whiskey for you twenty-five years old.” Looking dubiously at the liquor in the glass Bill said, “Yes masseh, I see; but I declare dat’s de smallest chile fur’s age I’ve ever seed.” [Laughter]” 

African Wit and Humor. Congressman Cox on the Fun in a Negro’s Character

This article prompts me to consider our discussions on minstrelsy and black entertainment. Who was Cox’s audience, and what did they take away from his remarks? In an era when minstrelsy thrived, such performances often perpetuated racial caricatures. Cox’s commentary, while seemingly benign, fits within this larger narrative, reinforcing existing stereotypes while providing a space for laughter that masks deeper societal issues. His approach allows the audience to laugh at perceived quirks of black life, subtly reinforcing their social dominance by portraying black individuals as mere figures of humor rather than as complex human beings. This raises important questions about the implications of humor in understanding culture.

The laughter that once echoed in the Lincoln Center is a reminder of how humor can be wielded as both a tool for connection and a weapon of marginalization. By examining these narratives critically, we can better understand the intricate relationship between race, humor, and representation—one that still resonates in contemporary discussions about race and culture in America.

WORKS CITED

  1. “African Wit and Humor. Congressman Cox on the Fun in a Negro’s Character.” NewsBank, www.infoweb.newsbank.com/apps/readex/doc?p=EANAAA&sort=YMD_date%3AA&page=4&fld-base-0=alltext&val-base-0=music%2C%20african%20american&val-database-0=&fld-database-0=database&fld-nav-0=YMD_date&val-nav-0=&docref=image/v2%3A12B28392F31992D0%40EANAAA-12C175246F8D10B0%402408516-12C175248A6ACB38%401-12C17524EC0B6BD0%40.
  2. “Cox, Congressman.” Biographical Directory of the United States Congress, https://bioguide.congress.gov/search/bio/C000839

Walt Whitman Just Wants to be Part of your Symphony

Iconic American poet Walt Whitman embraces the “varied carols” of human life with the rapture of a rhapsode. His poetry is often characterized as democratic, composed in free verse. It shows an expansive all-embracing consciousness that loves everything in its multitudes. 

I am sure I have some explaining to do here: a recent meme that has sprung up is kitschy images of dolphins on technicolor backgrounds, featuring incongruous text, and the catchy 2017 pop song “Symphony,” which was dredged up out of obscurity into this unlikely rebirth. The chorus goes “I just want to be part of your symphony,” in an ascending line that is intoxicating to sing. A “barbaric yawp” that I have certainly been sounding “over the rooftops of the world” lately.      

But what ON EARTH could this incomprehensible meme have to do with Walt Whitman?

Whitman, as I recently found out, was an avid fan of the opera. His favorites included Gounod’s “Faust,” Meyerbeer’s “L’etoile du Nord,”  Donetzeti’s “Lucia di Lamermoor,” and Bellini’s “La Sonnambula,” a mix of familiar and obscure works, and all quite kitschy. We must remember that Opera in the 19th century was pop culture, not high culture. 

Whitman ends his poem with an image of waking up and discovering a rhythmus for his own poetry. (Proud Music of the Storm 15.20) This calls back earlier to a description of the final aria from “La Sonnambula,” a truly bizarre romantic comedy following a beautiful sleepwalker, Amina, through her romantic entanglements. 

Awaking from her woes at last, retriev’d Amina sings;

Copious as stars, and glad as morning light, the torrents of her joy.

(Proud Music of the Storm 8.21-21)

The aria Whitman sings through poetry might sound something like this aria. I was amused by a detail reported by scholar Louise Pound: that Whitman didn’t really take to Wagner. 

Whitman’s friends sometimes tried to interest him in Wagner, he tells us, thinking that the new music should be fundamentally congenial to him. “But I was fed and bred under the Italian dispensation,” he comments. “I absorbed it and probably show it

(Pound 61). 

Wagner, with his insistence on dominating the audience with his works, was likely perhaps not democratic enough for Whitman. 

In a 1924 paper about Whitman, Pound argues that opera is the artform that most profoundly influenced Whitman’s poetry. She says: 

His thought and his technique sprang from attitudes of mind quite different from the customary. He was more than ordinarily self-made. He deliberately sought to free himself from older models and from accepted media of expression… Neverthelessless, any source that may throw light upon his poetical development, or upon the shaping of his individual poetical style, deserves taking into account—especially since, in these days, many are convinced that he looms largest of all our native poets

(Pound 58). 

One of the central tenants of the Whitman mythos is his seemingly shocking originality. His poetry is a cry of freedom from the European poetic tradition, and the old fashioned New England elitism. Whitman is a man of the people, and of nature. He is quintessentially American. So what can we make of the influence of Opera, a European import, on his writing? 

The answer seems to lie in one of his most extensive poems about music: “Proud Music of the Storm.” Whitman describes in dizzying succession images of the music of nature and man, referencing musical traditions from all over the world (Proud Music of the Storm 10). His approach is characteristically cosmopolitan. In an apostrophe he says:  

Mighty maestros!

And you, sweet singers of old lands—Soprani! Tenori!

To you a new bard, carolling free in the west,

Obeisant, sends his love.

Such led me thee, O Soul!

(Proud Music of the Storm 13.5)

We see, through the close pairing of free and obeisant, that Whitman does not see himself as a break from tradition: rather, he is a new melodic line in a piece of music that encompasses the whole world, and the songs of its people. 

If it is true that Whitman “looms the largest of our native poets,” the America he envisions in his poetry is the America he loved: it is essentially cosmopolitan, and its lines are not drawn on a map, but instead from one soul to another, like the filaments of a spider web (A Noiseless Patient Spider). It encompasses but does not subsume the various multitudes of human beings that make it up.

Works Cited:

Pound, Louise “Walt Whitman and Italian Musical.” The American Mercury  1925-09: Vol 6 Iss 21. Sunway Media, 1925. Internet Archive, http://archive.org/details/sim_american-mercury_1925-09_6_21.

“Proud Music of the Storm” Whitman Archive. https://whitmanarchive.org/item/per.00014. Accessed 2 Oct. 2024.
“A Noiseless Patient Spider.” The Poetry Foundation, 17 May 2019, https://www.poetryfoundation.org/poems/45473/a-noiseless-patient-spider.

 

Ruth Crawford Seeger and American Identity

Ruth Crawford Seeger (1901-1953) was an American Musicologist and a pioneer of Women Composers in America.1  Her compositions shaped the track of American musical identity with atonal avant-garde American music. 

Her music was written with a particular kind of dissonance that used open 5ths in parallel. Scholars say that this is influence taken from composers like Béla Bartok and Igor Stravinsky. 3 Her interest in ultramodernist music and serialism 2 come across clearly in the clip above of String Quartet (1931), which is described as the masterpiece and peak of her career as a composer. 1

In 1930, Ruth Crawford Seeger was the first woman to win a Guggenheim Fellowship in composition and travels to Europe to complete that work. 1 When she arrives back in the U.S. in 1931 her life changes. When Ruth Seeger returned from Europe she faced hardship that came from the Great Depression and the stock market crash. Below are headlines were collected by Matilda Gaume and listed in the book, Ruth Crawford Seeger: memoirs, memories, music by Matilda Gaume4

“Julliard benefit for Unemployed Musicians” (January 17, 1931), 

“London Orchestra in Trouble” (April 2, 1932), 

“Metropolitan Opera Prospects Uncertain for 1932-33” (April 2, 1932), 

“Economy the Watchword in Vienna” (April 11, 1931), 

“Bush Conceervatory in Bankruptcy” (August 27, 1932). 4

Due to the position that America is in when she comes back, she is unable to compose. She gets married to Charles Seeger, and becomes a mother.3 She writes about feeling fulfilled by her family life, but also feeling too guilty to make any time for composing.3 Her family falls into poverty in the great depression, until Charles Seeger takes a job with the U.S. government doing fieldwork in the Appalachian region of America collecting folk music. 5 She publishes this work, which is recognized as groundbreaking, and provides for her family and the larger educational continuum. However, while Ruth Crawford Seeger recognizes great importance for collecting this folk music, she still expresses a deep calling to compose.

She composes again in 1952, writing Wind Quintet, for a competition (which she wins). That is her last competition, she died the following year 5

3 https://nationalphilharmonic.org/media/video/composers-in-crisis-ruth-crawford-seeger-the-great-depression/ 

4Gaume, Matilda. Ruth Crawford Seeger: Memoirs, Memories, Music. Scarecrow Press, 1986.

5 The New York Times, The New York Times, 13 Oct. 2017, www.nytimes.com/2017/10/13/arts/music/ruth-crawford-seeger-jack-quartet.html.

“El Movimiento” and its Music

“El Movimiento,” also known as the “Chicano Movement,” emerged out of political and economic discourse against Mexican Americans in the 1960s. The Chicano Movement was primarily inspired by the civil rights movement, the antiwar movement, and most importantly, the farmworkers movement.

Chicano movement poster with “Chicano Power” and “Viva La Raza” over a Mexican flag, ca. 1970s. [Collection of the Smithsonian National Museum of African American History and Culture © Platt Poster Company] latinoamerican2.abc-clio.com/Search/Display/2267122

The beginnings of the Chicano Movement and its music can be traced to the formation of the United Farm Workers (UFW) labor union in 1965 in rural central California. The UFW was a movement co-founded by César Chávez and Dolores Huerta to fight for better social and economic conditions for Mexicans in America. Chicano studies scholar, J. Francisco Hidalgo, states in a 1972 interview with the University of Southern California that, “There was a dormant desire to organize around the issues of education, economic exploitation, police brutality, over-proportionate number of Chicanos in Vietnam, suppression of the language, and culture, unemployment, the farm worker issue, Chicano Studies, the increasing number of Chicanos on campuses, political representation, health services, and so forth.”

Dolores Huerta (left) and César Chávez (right). Co-founders of the UFW. www.history.com/news/chicano-movement

The Chicano movement sparked many different genres drawn from Mexican folk and popular music. But most commonly from this movement, huelga songs were used and created to inspire others to rise up against these abusive farm bosses and were typically played on the picket lines and at meetings. These huelga songs were written in forms such as marches, corridos, and rancheras. On top of these forms, some huelga songs were adaptations of other tunes. For example, the civil rights song and text from “We Shall Overcome” was translated to become “Nosotros Venceremos.”

A comparison of the two songs, “We Shall Overcome” and “Nosotros Venceremos” and their lyrics.

Of all these songs that were inspired by this movement, the one song that was most well-known was a folk song called “De Colores,” which actually came from Spain, and the Cursillo movement in the Spanish Catholic Church in the 1940s. This song is still well known today.

Works Cited:

MUSIC, AS A PHYSICAL AND MORAL AGENT

     Music is a shared aspect of people’s lives. We all have music in our lives but to each of us that word means something else. American music has many different genres. There is ragtime, and  jazz, which are born out of African ancestry are very known to this day. Alongside  that there was symphonic music and opera. These two groups attract different audiences. For symphonic music and opera it most often attracted the rich, wealthy, and overall white communities. Where ragtime and jazz were more of an African American audience. In a periodical which was written in 1886 it talks about music as a physical and moral agent. A smaller point that is made is that it is right to judge a current state of people, tribe, or nation on their music. This point is also followed up by stating to compare and contrast the elegant works of that time written by christians. To other music written by the Native Americans and the African Americans. Which are being described as being wild and barbaric. A very demeaning point of view. Interestingly later in the document it is mentioned how music is very simple. That only requires three principle things. Air, vibration, and rhythmic symmetry. Take any of those things away and it makes it so there is no music being formed. This point goes against the original thoughts of the author due to the fact that the Native Americans music, African American jazz, and ragtime both have these aspects in them. Which in that definition makes them music. To me in the end this makes it so that periodicals like these are not accurate and reliable sources due to the fact that implicit bias is held by the author. With this block an accurate opinion can not be upheld and it makes it so that the reader leaves leaning onto a more forced opinion than drawing their own. 

periodicals, A. (1886, April). Music As A Physical And Moral Agent. American Periodicals. https://www.proquest.com/americanperiodicals/magazines/music-as-physical-moral-agent/docview/137924894/sem-2?accountid=351

We’re Asking the Important Questions : The Importance of Change in Programming

A letter throws shade at the managers, even name dropping the director, of a music festival in the late 1880’s for programming outdated pieces of music. What does this say about striving for educational and musical growth when in positions of power and responsibility?

In this second letter of an editorial correspondence, titled “The Worcester (Mass.) Music Festival” from “The Independent”, the author criticizes the management of mostly unnamed managers of the Worcester Music Festival in Massachusetts (not to be confused with the Worcester Music Festival in Worcester, England). The Worcester Music Festival, according to the letter, is an important musical event that the local community of Worcester, Massachusetts, is proud of, having garnered national attention as well as drawing in money to and from the community. The reasoning behind the criticism is due to repeatedly programming older musical pieces and ignoring changing “tastes of our epoch”. The letter pointedly names “Mr. Zerrahn”, seemingly the conductor and director of the festival at the time, and that the management of the festival failed to take up the responsibility to improve the festival by evolving their musical programming. The letter goes on to claim that the management instead chooses to program pieces that have, in the past, brought in money, referencing pieces by composers of the late 1700’s and early 1800s such as Rossini, Beethoven, and Spohr.

The letter additionally argues that the festival managers undermine the knowledge and “taste” of the people of Worcester, but asserts that the audience and community members of the festival hold valuable opinions and tastes which have “considerably advanced.” Even if the audience were “imperceptive as to what is best for them,” the letter states that the festival would have failed to uphold the responsibility of continuously advancing and educating the community musically. Neither are they changing the set up and programming to be more responsive to the needs of the audience since they acknowledge their complacency in management.

It’s clear that this editorial correspondence places the people in charge of this festival under critical examination albeit discourteously. Without context of the programming or recorded management of the festival that the letter speaks about, I can neither agree nor disagree with the argument that Zerrahn should have stepped down as director sooner. It’s also questionable as to what the author means when they say that the audiences’ taste in music has “advanced”. However, I hold fast to the overarching message – music consumption and engagement is ever evolving, and our presentations of music should reflect this. Conversations and arguments of similar topics brought up in the letter have existed into the present– advocacy for change in music to better reflect and platform contemporary or underrepresented composers, creators, and audiences; challenging the use of classical works of art as a means of setting expectations in art, music or literature (take for example, the use of the Western Canon); pursuing financial stability as a musical program and what it takes or sacrifices.

As educators, learners, audience members, and consumers of music, we should question complacency and reasoning in our musical programs and conversations. Who in our audience are we reflecting when we continuously program and platform the same classicals? Even despite audience approval and acceptance of these programs, what does repetition say about what and whose music we value enough to listen to and perform? Almost a century and a half later, we should be asking the same questions and continue to be critical of the underlying messaging that is sent through what music we platform through performance and education.

 

Works Cited:

Music.: THE WORCESTER (MASS.) MUSIC FESTIVAL. EDITORIAL CORRESPONDENCE. II. (1888, Oct 11). The Independent …Devoted to the Consideration of Politics, Social and Economic Tendencies, History, Literature, and the Arts (1848-1921), 40, 7. Retrieved from https://www.proquest.com/magazines/music/docview/90382422/se-2

Cover 1 — no title. (1888, Oct 11). The Independent …Devoted to the Consideration of Politics, Social and Economic Tendencies, History, Literature, and the Arts (1848-1921), 40, 1. Retrieved from https://www.proquest.com/magazines/cover-1-no-title/docview/90430437/se-2

Musician Spotlight: Tania León

Tania León is a name synonymous with innovation and cultural richness in contemporary classical music. She was born in Havana, Cuba, in 1943, and moved to the United States in the 1960s. She came over as a refugee on one of the “freedom flights”, which were flights that brought people from Cuba to the United States after much negotiation between the countries.

León is very well known for being a composer, conductor, and educator. She started composing after helping start the Dance Theater in Harlem and co-founder and choreographer Arthur Mitchell encouraged her to start writing music for the ballet. She is now the music director of the ballet. She found that she had a real knack for composing and won a Pulitzer prize for her orchestral work titled Stride, inspired by Susan B. Anthony.

In addition to composition and piano, she has done a lot of work in education and amplifying underrepresented voices.  She helped found the group based in New York named “Composers Now,” whose purpose is to bring forward the voices of diverse composers. 

In addition to all of these accomplishments, she is also a well-known conductor. Having studied with conductors such as Leonard Bernstein and Seiji Ozawa, she found a knack for this area of music as well. On being a female Cuban conductor she says “It’s not common for a woman of my skin color to conduct serious music, so I have to know the score inside out, or work twice as hard as male conductors.” This quote from her highlights the importance of recognizing the hard work that she has put in and all of the boundaries that she had to overcome to get to where she is today. Tania León has had and continues to have a major impact on the world of classical music.

 

Works Referenced:

Carnegiehall.org. Accessed October 1, 2024. https://www.carnegiehall.org/Explore/Articles/2024/04/01/An-interview-with-Debs-Composers-Chair-Tania-Leon.

Huizenga, Tom. “The Unplanned, Unstoppable Career of Composer Tania León.” NPR, December 2, 2022. https://www.npr.org/2022/12/02/1139948319/the-unplanned-unstoppable-career-of-composer-tania-leon.

“Tania León: Quote on Women Music Conductors.” In The American Mosaic: The Latino American Experience, ABC-CLIO, 2024. Accessed October 1, 2024. https://latinoamerican2.abc-clio.com/Search/Display/1327973.

A Perspective on Music Education During the Late 19th Century

In the November 1881 issue of The Youth’s Companion Carlisle Petersilea wrote and article titled “The Study of Music at Home and Abroad.” In this article Petersilea makes a staunch defense of music education in the United States during the late 19th century, making the claim that music education in America is “equal and in many respects superior in this country to those in europe.” This is certainly an ambitious claim to make; Petersilea supports his claim with sections titled “teachers of music in America,” “Musical taste and cultivation,” “Abuse of the piano,” and “Incompetent teachers.”

A short note about Petersilea. According to the New England Conservatory’s archival library Petersilea was an extremely accomplished pianist, having first studied with his father and giving his first public recital at age 12 and traveling to europe at age 18 (ironic isn’t it) to study at the conservatory in Leipzig. He taught at the NEC from 1868-1869 and again from 1887-1891. He even spent the spring of 1884 with Franz Liszt. The dude had some clout.

The article is very long and cannot be discussed in its entirety here so I will summarise a short section. Specifically, “Teachers of Music in America” can be summarised thus: The best performers are not necessarily the best teachers, students of these teachers suffer unless they have the same talent or genius as the teacher. Petersilea believes there is no royal road to music, only work. And American musicians understand this fact and only those without the talent and work ethic go to Europe to try to overcome their lack of talent and willingness to work hard.

Petersilea had strong opinions on the state of music education during the late 19th century. He rails repeatedly against the poor teaching standards he views across the United states . With that said he also believes so firmly in the western classical education being done by some in the United States. This is particularly interesting considering how the idea of an “American” national sound was developing in this time. There was much discussion on what an American sound would be. Petersilea was almost certainly aware of the works of composers such as George Chadwick, John Paine, and Amy Beach.

This article exists as a time capsule in the history of western art music and its development in the United States. Petersilea’s perspective is, in my opinion, antiquated and a little suspect for today. With that being said the article provides valuable insight to the thoughts of a generation of conservatory music educators.

Works Cited

NECMusic. “Carlyle Petersilea.” Accessed October 2, 2024. https://necmusic.edu/on-campus/library/archives-and-special-collections/archival-collections/carlyle-petersilea/.

For the Companion, Supplement Carlyle Petersilea. 1881. “THE STUDY OF MUSIC: AT HOME AND ABROAD TEACHERS OF MUSIC IN AMERICA WHAT IS REQUISITE IN A MUSIC TEACHER MUSICAL TASTE AND CULTIVATION THE ABUSE OF THE PIANO INCOMPETENT TEACHERS CULTIVATION AND TREATMENT OF THE VOICE BENEFITS OF CLASS TEACHING PRACTICAL HINTS.” The Youth’s Companion (1827-1929), Nov 10, 422. https://www.proquest.com/magazines/study-music/docview/127043103/se-2.

Public Reception of the Fisk Jubilee Singers

The Fisk Jubilee singers are hailed as key pioneers of “concert spirituals”, arrangements of African-American spirituals meant for the stage. They were extremely successful in their earliest years, around the 1870s: they were invited to perform at the White House, Queen Victoria commissioned a floor-to-ceiling portrait of the original members as a gift, and they raised enough funds on tours in the US and Europe to build the first permanent building at Fisk University.

Jubilee Hall at Fisk University, funded by the Fisk Jubilee Singers tour

To investigate the public’s opinion of the Jubilee Singers, I looked to an article in The Aldine, a monthly arts magazine printed in New York during the 1800s. At first glance, the review (from March of 1873) is complimentary. However, upon closer reading, some misconceptions about the Fisk Jubilee Singers become apparent. This article is evidence of how, while the Fisk Jubilee Singers were extremely successful and popular, the public’s perspective during the 1870’s still upheld racist ideas that are often applied to musics outside of the European canon.

The first thing I would like to highlight to this point was that the author claimed the Singers’ skill was natural talent.

“They have art; but it is the product of a rich natural gift, polished by natural taste and discrimination […] A musical voice seems to be a characteristic endowment of their race,”

This idea that musical talent is passed down rather than taught can be historically seen associated with many non-European musical traditions, including African percussion and Appalachian banjo music (as we discussed in class). This tactic “others” the music, and fails to recognize the hard work of the musicians. In this case, although the author is complementing the Jubilee Singers, they also say that the group lacks “cultivation” and “scientific instruction,” a Eurocentric value judgement which reveals the problematic side of this claim.

A second comment of note in this article can be found when the author is discussing the songs that the Fisk Jubilee Singers perform.

“They are clearly not the product of civilization, and yet an instinct seems to have taught their makers to follow strict musical laws. Wild and irregular as many of them seem on first hearing […] the strangest phrases can be correctly expressed in musical notation.”

When the author refers to “musical laws” and upholds musical notation as the “scientific” way to do things, they imply that this is the right and true way to express music. This reminds me of how transcriptions of Native American music were thought to be sufficient by their creators, but when the transcriptions are compared to audio recordings, there are large discrepancies. In both cases, the European musical framework is assigned more value. In fact, the author says that the way spirituals follow “musical laws” despite their creators lack of formal musical education is proof that these laws are “what the ear requires,” a claim which is ill-conceived in multiple ways.

The Fisk Jubilee Singers are an inspiring success story, and they still perform today as one of the most acclaimed choirs in the country, often serving an ambassador role internationally. However, this review makes it clear that even in their success, the Jubilee Singers were not exempt from discrimination and bias in the public eye.

“MUSIC.: THE JUBILEE SINGERS.” The Aldine, A Typographic Art Journal (1871-1873), 03, 1873, 67, https://www.proquest.com/magazines/music/docview/124830318/se-2.

Fisk Jubilee Singers. “Our History.” Accessed October 2, 2024. https://fiskjubileesingers.org/about-the-singers-2/our-history/.

Formation of an American Identity during the Great Depression

Immigration has always been a point of contention in the United States, because it proposes the discussion of who is American and who is included in the American identity. White settlers in the 1920s were legally considered American, since they had lawful access to citizenship, but there were so many others who contributed to the production of American culture: producing economic commodities, music being one of them. Throughout the 1920s and the Great Depression, Mexican immigrants were recruited to work in the Southwest of the United States participating in the railroad, mining, and agricultural industries. Music is able to depict the commonality of experiences, but also differentiate these conditions for Mexican immigrants and white people during the 1920s and 30s. Tracing back to the medieval myth of Cockayne or Cucaña, which speaks of a utopia where hardship does not exist. Songs such as “The Big Rock Candy Mountains” and “La Ciudad de Juaja” that describe the idealizations of life during the Great Depression, allow us to understand what living conditions and their respective hardships were like for White workers and Mexican immigrants. For example, in “The Big Rock Candy Mountains” Harry McClintock describes “cigarette trees” in comparison to “La Ciudad de Juaja,” Pantaleón Ramos and Manuel Treviño describe “árboles de tortillas, ramos con jarros de atole” (trees of tortillas, [and] branches with cups of atole*) (*a warm drink of Mexican origin.) The common use of the word tree, to describe natural resources and abundance, and the idealizations of what there would be abundance of help us to understand the different priorities of what is necessary, or brings pleasure to each of these groups of people. In this case, tobacco versus culturally traditional food. In both of the songs as well, they mention punishment for work. In “La Ciudad de Juaja” the lyrics say “allí le dan de palos al que quiera trabajar (there they beat those who want to work)” and in “The Big Rock Candy Mountains” the lyrics mention “they hung the jerk that invented work.” I think the most important conclusion to draw from each of these songs is that there was (to an extent) a common experience of mine and railroad workers during the Great Depression. While it is important to recognize that Mexican migrants experienced different and additional challenges due to people “honragados dishonest* ” taking advantage of immigrant labor and language barriers, the similarities in each of these songs creates a sense of identity based on the hardships that were experienced in these working conditions during this time period of American history. Another thing that I thought about while writing the title for this post, was the relevant role that work culture plays in American identity today. Again, it is important to note that these conditions look different for different groups of people, and I don’t intend to neglect the complexity of America’s job industry or make a statement that encompasses all Americans, but there is some validity in that the United States has become a place for work, and has come to define many American experiences.

*honragado is no longer a word used in the Spanish dictionary but was used in the lyrics of this song in the 1930s to describe a deceiving person. A current translation of “dishonest” would be deshonrado. 

 

Translation of “La Ciudad de Juaja” Part II

Corridos y Tragedias De La Frontera- CD 1: La Crisis1994., edited by Chris StrachwitzArhoolie Records. https://search.alexanderstreet.com/view/work/bibliographic_entity|recorded_track|390149.

 

 

“Corridos”: A Subgenre of American Folk Songs

Recording of “Venimos de Matamoros”:

https://latinoamerican2.abc-clio.com/Tools/DisplayVideo/2265362?view=content

Mexican influence is seen all over the United States both geographically and historically. This is especially so in the southeastern region as there were many native Mexicans in that area of the U.S. when that region of the country was annexed through the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo in 1848. Music plays a large and important aspect in Mexican influence on U.S. culture. The main focus of this post is this Primary Source recording done in 1939 by José Suarez1

The song is called “Venimos de Matamoros” which translates to “We Come from Matamoros” – a town off of the Rio Grande. It falls into the category of Mexican folk songs called “corridos” which translates to “racing”, possibly in reference to the fact that these songs are usually more upbeat in tempo. In addition to its traditional tempo, this “corrido” also maintains traditional instrumentation of a single guitar as well as a solo repetitive melody line. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

“Corrido’s” originated in 16th century Spain with traveling musicians or “trovadores” in a décima2 format consisting of ten lines3. In the Mexican tradition, “corridos” were added to by women in Mexico during the Mexican Revolution which took place from 1910-1917.  The tradition was then carried into Texas in 1915 when it is believed the story of the song takes place. In a nearby town to “Matamoros” called “Brownsville” where Texas rangers killed the family(wife, son, and brother) of a man named Aniceto Pizaña. This event caused Pizaña to seek revenge and join the group of Mexican Americans against the White Americans taking land and causing conflict in Texas at the time. In comparison to the original 16th century “corridos”, the 19th century version served as a narrative to tell stories of heroism and strength as well as maintain a Mexican Identity in the midst of expansionism. In “corridos” regarding the United States and expansionism, the songs often tell stories of those who were killed(by usually white Americans) in honor of the sacrifice they made. 

Much like other marginalized groups of America, Mexican Americans used music to find identity and peace in the forceful “othering” that was being cultivated at the time. The bigotry and discrimination that was faced became an aspect of Mexican American identity, separating this new identity from that of being “Mexican” and from being “American”. Both of these countries began through colonization, thus furthering the struggles portrayed in “corridos”.  Today “corridos” are considered a subgenre of American folk songs, even though it went through many cultures and countries starting with Spain, going to Mexico, then to the independent Republic of Texas, and finally to the United States.

1 “Venimos De Matamoros’ [3:13].” The American Mosaic: The Latino American Experience audio. 2024. Accessed October 1, 2024. https://latinoamerican2.abc-clio.com/Search/Display/2265362.

2 Kanellos, Nicolás. “Décima.” In The American Mosaic: The Latino American Experience, ABC-CLIO, 2024. Accessed October 1, 2024. https://latinoamerican2.abc-clio.com/Search/Display/1448550.

3 Wood, Andrew G. “Borderlands Music.” In The American Mosaic: The Latino American Experience, ABC-CLIO, 2024. Accessed October 1, 2024. https://latinoamerican2.abc-clio.com/Search/Display/1367240.

Fiddles, Rhythm, and American Integration

“His ability to simplify the intricate rhythms of rumba, tango, and samba made him popular with American audiences.1

My initial curiosity about violinists and fiddlers during the era of slavery led me to explore more about the violin’s role in different cultural contexts, including its place in Latin music, as documented in The Latino American Experience database. I wanted to learn more about its presence over the past few centuries. Below is an image of violinist Xavier Cugat, to whom the quote above is referencing, also known as the “Rumba King.”

The musician Xavier Cugat was born in Spain but lived in America for most of his life. He played classical violin from a young age and later became known as the “Rumba King,” a name closely identified with all Latin American music. His ability to simplify the intricate rhythms of the rumba, tango, and samba made him popular with American audiences, and by the 1940s he and his band had achieved a national reputation because of their radio appearances.

Playing an instrument can open doors, as we see in Cugat’s case, where his ability to simplify Latin rhythms allowed his career to flourish. This also exposed people to music that they might not have otherwise experienced. In contrast, those who simply appreciated Latin music but couldn’t create it may have been more limited in their engagement. Going back a bit, Eileen Southern (1997) writes about instrumentalists, particularly fiddlers, as entertainers during slavery, noting, “A good violinist found that his fiddle gained him entry into places otherwise closed to slaves and exempted him of many a day of hard work in the fields2.” While still enslaved, musicians like these gained temporary relief from field labor, performing in less physically demanding roles. Southern (1997) also notes that these musicians were expected to play minuets and cotillions, not just reels and jigs, reminding us that their performances were still dictated by the commands of the “masters.” Similarly, Cugat had to simplify Latin rhythms to meet the tastes of American audiences.

Below are two recordings of “Aquarela do Brasil” for comparison: one performed by a traditional big band with Cugat on violin, and another recorded in 1980 by Brazilian singer Gal Costa. The difference between these versions highlights what is meant by the “simplification” of Latin songs. Cugat’s arrangement has more “structured” rhythms, even subdivisions within a beat, that fit together in a way that is more familiar to American audiences.

Cugat, Xavier. “Rumba Rumba.” Future Noise Music Ltd, 2008.

Critics like Virgil Thomson often dismissed non-European influences in music. Thomson (1971) wrote, “And if their work bore traces of a non-European accent, these were no source of pride. Every effort was made indeed to perform German, French, or Italian music as it was performed in the country of its own origin 3.” Although his critique was aimed at what could be considered American music, it also suggests that many people might not have appreciated Latin American styles. As Cugat noted in a 1978 interview, this made it particularly challenging to bring the full complexity of Latin music to an unfamiliar audience4.

1 “Xavier Cugat.” In The American Mosaic: The Latino American Experience, ABC-CLIO, 2024. Image. Accessed October 1, 2024. https://latinoamerican2.abc-clio.com/Search/Display/2179761.</

2 Southern, Eileen. The Music of Black Americans: A History. Vol. 3. New York, NY: W. W. Norton & Company, 1997.

3 Thomson, Virgil. American music since 1910. New York, NY: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1971.

4 “Xavier Cugat – Composer Insights.” YouTube. Accessed October 1, 2024. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=DR5Mys21CA8.

The Grand Tour: The Fisk Jubilee Singers Hit New York

In 1870, Fisk University was going through some big changes. They were growing at such a rate they had to make plans to move locations(admittedly, a good problem to have). However, Fisk didn’t have the money for this ambitious plan. So, Professor and Treasurer George L. White came up with a gamble. Fisk would start a choir that would tour and raise funds for the school. White hadn’t been a singer himself, but had directed choirs in the past, and had already gathered $400 with a choir at Fisk for the benefit of their education. So, the Jubilee singers began, with a young Ella Sheppard serving as accompanist and director.

Ella Sheppard, Director and Accompanist of the Fisk Jubilee Singers.

After their profound success in their famous 1871 tour, they set off again in the fall of 1872. They stopped by Steinway Hall in New York, the premier music hall in New York City at the time. This attracted much attention, and earned itself a review in “The Aldine, A Typographical Art Journal”. In its March edition, the author wrote in great detail of their experience hearing the Jubilee singers.

The 1871 Tour Fisk University Jubilee Singers From Left to Right: Minnie Tate, Greene Evans, Isaac Dickerson, Jennie Jackson, Maggie Porter, Ella Sheppard, Thomas Rutling, Benjamin Holmes, and Eliza Walker.

After giving a brief introduction to the Fisk Jubilee Singers, not unlike the one I’ve given you above, the critic started right into, to give them the benefit of the doubt, what surely they thought was a very earnest and not racist review of their performance. However, as I read through the publication, I was perplexed. The reviewer was giving the Jubilee singers these halfhearted, backhanded comments and compliments, saying things like “The personal history of these singers would be enough to make their concerts deeply interesting, even if their music was not very good. But, indeed, their music itself is admirable.” This is immediately followed by “They have, of course, no great cultivation”. There are various comments like this, a kind comment followed by a step back to recognize a flaw. This is, quite frankly, rude. Additionally, the critic refers to the singers as “impressionable minstrels”, their enthusiasm and expression as “grotesque, sometimes, but always genuine”, and the music itself as “clearly not the product of civilization” and lacking in “traces of the more scholarly music of the dominant race”.

The Fisk Jubilee singers redefined the spiritual for a wider audience, and used that audience to fund the education of hundreds of thousands of African Americans over the next 150+ years. The author of this article reflects how the Fisk jubilee singers were viewed by some at the time of their initial tours, not as artistic equals and scholars seeking to fund their program to further their educational endeavors, but as a lesser choir showing the songs of their people, trying to mimic the popular choral sound of the day. The review is by and for the people who were simply not ready for the Jubilee Singers.

Here is a 1909 Recording of the Fisk Jubilee Singers performing Swing Low Sweet Chariot.

Below is a 2020 recording of Fisk’s Jubilee Singers performing Walk Together, Children (Arr. Moses Hogan).

Black, James Wallace. Jubilee Singers, Fisk University, Nashville, Tenn. 1870-1880, Library of Congress, https://lccn.loc.gov/2010647805

“George Leonard White.” PBS, Public Broadcasting Service, www.pbs.org/wgbh/americanexperience/features/singers-white/. Accessed 1 Oct. 2024.

“MUSIC.: THE JUBILEE SINGERS.” The Aldine, A Typographic Art Journal (1871-1873), vol. 6, no. 3, 03, 1873, pp. 67. ProQuest, https://www.proquest.com/magazines/music/docview/124830318/se-2.

Historical Slave Songs from the White Perspective

Reverend George H. Griffin was a pastor and accomplished musician who was raised in New York City and graduated from Yale University in 1860.2 He worked at the Plymouth Church in Milford, Massachusetts, and wrote many works on the subject of music in worship throughout his life.2 In this particular work of his, Griffin observes the music of the former southern slaves, and gives his analysis and opinions on the development of said music. This article was published in 1885, twenty years after the end of the American Civil War.

 

Breaking down his writing, Griffin opens with a description of African music, describing it as “real genius that was born into the soul of an entire race,” as contrasted to European music, which was “more of a science” and “the result of musical education.”1 He also stated that the “emotional largely over-balances the intellectual element, [these] songs, with their fullness of sentiment, seem to realize the ideal.”1 These observations were very typical of white observers of slave music, or spirituals, at the time. Many held the opinion that spirituals were lesser than and derived from the western European classical traditions, and used this opinion to enforce negative stereotypes about African American communities.4 His opinions were also much kinder than others’ at the time, who would describe spirituals as “weird and barbaric madrigals.”3 In this perspective, Griffin’s comparison was much kinder, saying that it was the genius of the soul.

However, Griffin still praised the creation of this music. He referred to the songs as “that kind of music which finds a responsive thrill in every human breast, because it speaks most clearly the language of man’s best impulses and tenderest feelings.”1 This type of infatuation and connection with spirituals was also typical of the time that Griffin wrote this article. A resurgence of these songs by choirs, especially the Fisk Jubilee Singers, sparked this interest, and made white audiences want to further connect them to the overall human experience.

Griffin then goes on to describe the spirituals in terms of Western musical notation, stating that the harmony is rich and the melodies varied and original. He describes the resolutions of chords as abrupt and startling, which he accredits to the rough and rugged experiences they went through. He observes strange points of emphasis and unexpected cadences in rhythm, which he said “makes it unreducible to musical notation.”1 The idea of trying to assign Western notation to these songs is a very interesting idea. Writing any form of music down will cause it to lose a lot of specificities, and especially in things as subtle as tone and emotion which are quite important in spirituals. Griffin’s observations are evident of this, with him stating that so many minute aspects were missing in the writing system he was using.

Lastly, Griffin speaks on the fact that these musical selections came from a place of agonies unknown, but have “the joy of a present salvation, and the hope of a glorious home of freedom beyond the grave.”1 As a pastor, Griffin understood the idea of salvation of life beyond death, and was able to comprehend the reasoning behind these songs. He was able to connect the fact that it rose from a desire of salvation, and a hope for a free soul after death. This was opposed to other white observers of spirituals who would try to convince themselves that the slaves were singing because they were happy to be enslaved,4 which was an incorrect and completely racist assumption.

Overall, Griffin’s article is a great, positive reflection of white perspective of spirituals during the late nineteenth century.

Works Cited:

1 THE SLAVE MUSIC OF THE SOUTH. Griffin, George H. The Musical Visitor, a Magazine of Musical LIterature and Music (1883-1897). Vol. 14, Iss. 2, (Feb 1885): 35. https://www.proquest.com/americanperiodicals/docview/137490866/4A4769645E1A4F0DPQ/19?accountid=351&sourcetype=Magazines

2 REV. GEORGE H. GRIFFIN. Congregationalist (1891-1901); Boston Vol. 79, Iss. 37, (Sep 13, 1894): 355.https://www.proquest.com/americanperiodicals/docview/124232810/95A38D77EA848B3PQ/2?accountid=351&sourcetype=Magazines

3 THE MUSIC OF BLACK AMERICANS. Eileen Southern.

4 WHITE AND NEGRO SPIRITUALS. George Pullen Jackson.

A Strong Connection Between Movies and Music

Latin-American movies became very popular in the 1930’s and 1960’s, and there were many popular Mexican movies, as well as some blockbusters. One film that gained enormous popularity worldwide is Como agua para chocolate (1992). This movie is a story about a girl named Tita who was raised on a ranch by her strict mother, Dona Elena. The film takes place during the Mexican revolution, a time when everything about the characters’ lives are changing rapidly. Tita’s sister, Rosaura, marries a man named Pedro. Rosaura is Tita’s older sister, and there’s a law that states younger sisters must not marry and stay with the family to take care of her mother. However, Pedro is actually in love with Tita, but is not allowed to marry her because of this rule. He only marries her sister to be able to be close to Tita. Pedro buys Tita flowers, however Tita’s mother Dona Elena orders her to throw the flowers away, because she knows that Pedro is in love with her and not in love with her sister. However, Tita instead of throwing the flowers away makes them into a sauce that she serves when she makes her family dinner. Years go by and Dona Elena passes away. Pedro is still married to Rosaura despite his feelings for Tita. Pedro and Tita become closer, and at one point Tita thinks she may be pregnant with Pedro’s child, but that ends up not being the case. Years later, Rosaura passes away, and Pedro and Tita are able to be together at last. They move in together, but Pedro soon dies in Tita’s arms. Tita kills herself so she can be with Pedro forever in life and death.

The director of the film is Alfonso Arau who was a very famous director, actor, producer and writer of many films during the Golden Age of Mexican films.  Arau was also briefly married to Laura Esquivel, who is the author of the book that Como agua para chocolate is based on. The style of the movie is magical realism. Leo Brouwer composed the film score in Como agua para chocolate. Brouwer was raised in Havana, Cuba and was from a musical family. His great uncle, Ernesto Lecouna was a famous composer, and many of his other family members were established composers as well as musicians. Leo Brouwer learned the guitar at an early age and started composing music when he was a teenager. He furthered his education in the United States, then moved back to Cuba to start his career. He composed film music as well as guitar music.

In the movie, Como agua para chocolate, the musical theme comes back over and over again during every major plot point, especially involving the forbidden lovers Pedro and Tita. This theme comes back again and again to prove the strength of Tita and Pedro’s love, and how even in death their souls will stay bonded to each other because they are meant to be in love forever.

For the soundtrack, Brouwer uses many stringed instruments such as violins, violas, cellos, and string basses to produce a warmth produced by a string timbre. The melody comes back during specific plot points to emphasize the theme of the story. Often times in soundtracks the theme of the composition represents in many ways the theme of the story. During the love-death scene of the story, a different melody counterracts the regular melody representing the freedom Pedro felt when finally confessing his love to Tita.

This film is one of many Mexican films that have become famous throughout the world and reached blockbuster status during the Golden Age of films. Leo Brouwer composed an unforgettable soundtrack that will be remembered for years to come.

https://www.jstor.org/stable/10.1525/j.ctv3znxn1.7?seq=1

Roberts, John Storm. The Latin Tinge : The Impact of Latin American Music on the United States. 2nd ed., Oxford University Press, 1999.

American Music At The Fair: A White Man’s Suggestions on Concerts, Opera, Art, and Education

Poster advertising the World’s Columbian Exposition, hosted in Chicago, IL in 1893

As the pinnacle of culture and phenomena, the World’s Fair serves as a global platform for innovation and cultural exchange, showcasing the latest advancements and celebrating the diverse traditions of nations worldwide. At the turn of the 20th century, the World’s Fair was hosted in Chicago, Illinois in 1893 as the World’s Columbian Exposition, from May 1st to October 30th. While the World’s Fair is a place to display the world’s accomplishments, there are also instances where criticisms and suggestions hog the spotlight. Enter “American Music At The Fair: Mr. Stanton’s Suggestions As To Concerts And Operas–Education And Art”.  

This primary source was found in a magazine article entitled “The Musical Visitor”, whose primary purpose was to report on music literature and news during the latter part of the 19th century. In this article, the author is not listed, however, the interviewee is the more appealing topic of discussion. Edmund C. Stanton was the Secretary and Managing Director of the Metropolitan Opera House in New York City, New York from 1884 to 1891. Throughout his career, Stanton was well-known in the music and operatic circles for bringing notable European artists (such as Lilly Lehman, Max Alvary, and Ivan Fischer) to sing for American audiences, as well as taking risks and introducing French, Italian, and German operas to New York “surpassed by none [other than Stanton] in the world”. Through his efforts, Stanton contributed significantly to the American opera scene through his administrative and musical influence. 

Edmund C. Stanton, Managing Director & Secretary of The Metropolitan Opera House, New York, NY (from 1884-1891).

At the time the article was written, Stanton had been “appointed to represent the amusement interests on the World’s Fair committee”, where he spoke with a reporter and shared his opinions on what the exhibition ought to “accomplish”. Included in the article are multiple quotations from Stanton:

“I think that the fair ought to be made to show to Europeans what America has accomplished in education, in music, and in art… [But] I think that American composers and American musicians ought to have such a chance to show the world what they can do as they have never had before.” 

“I would suggest a large concert hall on the grounds of the fair, where daily concerts should be given. Of course, they would not be confined to the works of Americans, but most of them are naturalized or are likely to be, and they could represent the music of the country. There might be orchestral concerts and vocal and choral concerts, and I would not leave out the military bands such as Gilmore’s, Cappa’s, and others. I think they do a great deal to popularize good music.” 

AMERICAN MUSIC AT THE FAIR.: MR. STANTON’S SUGGESTIONS AS TO CONCERTS AND OPERAS–EDUCATION AND ART.

In the readings on Monday by Thompson and Shadle, European influence in American music has often overshadowed the development of a distinct identity of American music. Stanton’s suggestions further enforce the idea that “white music traditions” (concert halls, military bands, etc) should be recognized and celebrated on the world’s stage. Therefore, European influence in American music is a defining hallmark of the general public’s understanding of  “American” music, omitting the rich diversity of sounds and traditions that come from non-white groups. 

WORKS CITED

“AMERICAN MUSIC AT THE FAIR.: MR. STANTON’S SUGGESTIONS AS TO CONCERTS AND OPERAS–EDUCATION AND ART.” The Musical Visitor, a Magazine of Musical Literature and Music (1883-1897), vol. 18, no. 11, 11, 1889, pp. 287. ProQuest, https://www.proquest.com/magazines/american-music-at-fair/docview/137493784/se-2.

“EDMUND C. STANTON DEAD: One Time Managing Director of the Metropolitan Opera House Company Passes Away in England.” The New York Times, The New York Times, timesmachine.nytimes.com/timesmachine/1901/01/22/101177358.html?pageNumber=9.

“Libguides: World’s Fair Collection: Chronological List by Decades.” Chronological List by Decades – World’s Fair Collection – LibGuides at California State University Fresno, Fresno State Library, guides.library.fresnostate.edu/c.php?g=289187&p=1928035.

“The Metropolitan Opera Archives .” Metropolitan Opera Archives, The Metropolitan Opera, archives.metopera.org/MetOperaSearch/search.jsp?q=%22Edmund+C.+Stanton%22&src=browser&sort=PDATE.

Haydn, Mozart, and Beethoven, Three Instruments of a Cultural Genocide

The 1915 “Tentative Course of Study for United States Indian Schools” opens with the line “Indian schools must train the Indian youth of both sexes to take upon themselves the duties and responsibilities of citizenship.” (1915, BIA) This benign sentence tells us little of the real rationale for indian schools and how they were ran across the country.

Kill the Indian, Save the Man

Richard Henry Pratt
Captain Richard Henry Pratt

In 1892 at the National Conference of Charities and Correction in Denver, Colorado, Richard Pratt gave a speech titled “The Advantages of Mingling Indians with Whites.” This massively influential speech lays out his idea for native assimilation. Pratt is vehemently against the reservation system and the forcing of native people out of their land. Unfortunately, this is not out of respect for their right to self determination but instead the forceful assimilation of native people into white, capitalist culture.

But Beethoven, Really?

Yes, Really. Western musical education was a critical strategy in the cultural genocide that was the goal of these schools. The course of study states that the goal of music education is to “preserve the child voice” and to “cultivate enjoyment and appreciation of good music.2” These are the words used to launder the dirty reality of these schools. Children were abducted from their homes and put in these schools to learn solfege and listen to Beethoven. If Pratt had his way they would never learn the music of their cultural heritage, let alone be allowed to perform it.

There were sixteen American Indian boarding schools in Minnesota alone. The first of which opened in 1871 and many were ran through the 1970s. That is nearly a century of similar music education being taught in these boarding schools and in the classes of Saint Olaf College. That education which so many of us have a love/hate relationship with was used to tear down native culture across the country and close to home.

Further Reading on Boarding Schools in Minnesota

https://www.mnopedia.org/native-american-boarding-schools

https://www.cbsnews.com/minnesota/news/what-happened-at-minnesotas-21-native-american-boarding-schools-unpacking-a-complex-history

  1. (Pratt, 1892) ↩︎
  2. (Sells, 1915) ↩︎

(“The Advantages of Mingling Indians with Rights”: R. H. Pratt on the Education of Native Americans | Carlisle Indian School Digital Resource Center).

Sells, Cato. Tentative Course of Study for United States Indian Schools. Prepared under the Direction of Commissioner of Indian Affairs. 1915. Government Printing Office, https://www.indigenoushistoriesandcultures.amdigital.co.uk/Documents/Detail/tentative-course-of-study-for-united-states-indian-schools.-prepared-under-the-direction-of-commissioner-of-indian-affairs./7023327?item=7023390. Indigenous Histories and Cultures.

Rattling America – Indigenous Peoples’ Instruments of Connection

Image

Music is something that connects humanity. Across the entire world, people sing and dance together. In American history, the first people to make music across their homelands were here hundreds of years ago, and their story and history has been erased by colinization and greed of U.S. expansion. The indigenous tribes that occupied (and still occupy to some degree) these lands that we call America danced and celebrated in song and dance for thousands of years before a genocide caused their traditions to be forcibly lost and forgotten. Of the records that remain of the indigenous peoples’ music we see similarities across a large range of people who had separate communities in isolation from one another, and yet related in many aspects. The one aspect that I want to focus on is an instrument that has history in all corners of the North American Continent–the rattle.

Staff, S. F. A. (2015, November 9). Gourd Rattle, Connector of Native American Tradition. Borderlore. https://borderlore.org/gourd-rattle-connector-of-native-american-tradition/

This instrument is percussive in nature, used to accompany singing and dancing. Rattles are made out of a variety of materials. The materials used should include animal, plant and mineral components to be symbolic of the three kingdoms.1 The top of rattle, or container, can be made from a variety of natural materials, including: gourds, calabashes, turtle shells, cocoons, wood, bark, sections of animal horn, hide pouches, coconut shells, and woven fibres. 2 The handle compoentent is often made of wood, bone, or stone. The pieces inside may be seeds, clay pieces, small pebbles, or animal bones/teeth.

In part with these symbolic components used to create each instrument, the overall meaning behind the rattle as an instrument varies. Some tribes from the Eastern Woodlands region believe that rattles make the sound of creation, while some tribes from the tropical south believe they are for communication between living and spirit beings.2 For the Northwestern region, people believe that rattles represent voices from the spirit world.2 While the history and meaning behind rattles can vary from tribe to tribe, they are consistently used in ceremonies and rituals to bring peace, harmony, and healing.3

Image taken by Jaclyn Duellman on Sept. 21st, 2024

This image is of a rattle I saw at the Mahkato Wacipi. I asked the man who was playing this rattle for the moccasin game if I could take this picture. I also asked him what his rattle was made of and he told me, “I don’t know, I got it so long ago.” When I asked him to take a picture he handed me the rattle, after I took the picture and handed him his instrument back he firmly told me to shake the rattle. I shook it, and smiled at the man. He accepted my thanks for letting me see his instrument, and went back to the game. Upon further research into the history of Gourd Rattles, it is considered rude to not play a rattle, and communicates that the rattle is not nice enough or worthy of being played.4 In comparison with the rattle I was able to photograph, below is a sketch from 1851 of an American Indian man holding a gourd rattle.

[Sketchbook by F. B. Mayer, 5 of 6] – Indigenous Histories and Cultures in North America. (2024). Amdigital.co.uk. https://www.indigenoushistoriesandcultures.amdigital.co.uk/Documents/Detail/sketchbook-by-f.-b.-mayer-5-of-6/7029037?item=7029060

Protest music in the Native American Civil Rights Movement

Singing is a common cornerstone of nonviolent protest. I’m sure most of us can think of songs with messages of social change and justice. However, the idea of protest music takes on a whole new meaning when the simply act of making music is rebellion, regardless of content. For many Native Americans, this aspect of culture has been banned, punished, and forcibly erased throughout America’s history of colonization. In exploring articles from the journal “Akwesasne Notes,” I have found a few examples of protest music in the context of the Native American civil rights movement as nonviolent resistance, an expression of identity, and a method to raise awareness.

The first newspaper article, written by Linda Champagne of the New York City Martin Luther King Jr. Institute of Nonviolence in June of 1990, details a days-long attack on a barricade that was put up around Akwesasne, the Mohawk nation, during sovereignty disputes between factions and involving the government. It was striking to me that even in the face of bombs and gunfire, survivors of this attack turned to music as nonviolent resistance. The author writes,

“The automatic weapon fire began to increase sometime before midnight. The women who were leaders in nonviolence were trying to decide what action they might take that would be helpful. The firing was too close to risk any show of bodies as a statement of nonviolent interaction in recent weeks, starting singing a song (…) ‘We are gentle angry people and we are singing for our lives.'”

The context of this situation is complex — anti-gambling groups and the Warriors society were at odds and the police got involved with an occupation of sorts– but the role of music as nonviolent protest is apparent.

The second article I found covered a protest at Mt. Rushmore National Park in August of 1970 against the government’s ongoing treaty violations with the Sioux people, including failure to pay for land acquisition and the creation of the Mt. Rushmore sculpture on a sacred site. Of the role of singing and dancing, the article reads,

“In addition to the occupancy, the singing and dancing protest program was continued in the area of the upper parking lot Sunday, with tourists being handed statements of it’s purpose and also being invited to join in the dancing or to support the movement through donations.”

This example reveals how singing and dancing can be a way to build bridges and invite people to experience Indigenous culture. In this scenario, tourists could be drawn in by the art and may be more likely to learn about and support the movement. Song and dance are peaceful, yet this expression of identity and resistance despite profound injustice is powerful, especially considering the painful erasure and disrespect that is symbolized in the Mt. Rushmore monument: the faces of four white men carved into a scared site on stolen land, hailed as a shrine to democracy.

Champagne, Linda. “Under Fire at Akwesasne.” Akwesasne Notes 22, no. 2 (June 1990). https://www.indigenoushistoriesandcultures.amdigital.co.uk/Documents/Detail/akwesasne-notes-vol.-22-no.-2/7027307?item=7027309.
“Indians Continue Protest at Mountain.” Akwesasne Notes 2, no. 6 (August 31, 1970). https://www.indigenoushistoriesandcultures.amdigital.co.uk/Documents/Detail/akwesasne-notes-vol.-2-no.-6/7025433?item=7025457.
Lieberman, Paul. “‘Great Law of Peace’ Lost in Indian Gambling Feud.” Los Angeles Times, May 27, 1990. https://www.latimes.com/archives/la-xpm-1990-05-27-mn-517-story.html.

Cultural Exploitation in Pine Ridge

Engaging in another person’s culture can be a touchy subject – learning about other cultures is valuable and even fun! In some cases, however, it’s clear that some people overstep in their engagement of a culture that they’re not originally a part of. Such is the case of “non-Indians” mentioned in “The Oglala War Cry”, a newspaper published in the 1970s written by and for residents of the South Dakota Pine Ridge Reservation. This newspaper centered events or happenings relevant to the Pine Ridge residents, which may have included job postings, advertisements, or achievements of students in the local school. The newspaper also included many warnings and informative articles to residents questioning practices and problematic behavior within the community, as well as articles targeting the exploitation of land and culture that took place in Pine Ridge.


In a newspaper article addressed to the Editor of The Oglala War Cry, Debbie Rook writes a letter questioning the actions allowing Casey Tibbs, a cowboy and actor at the time, to record and possibly use film of a sacred dance, the Sun Dance, in a film he was producing, “The Wild Breed.” Rook points out that the community “lose[s] money each year on the Sundance,” pointing out that this would’ve been an opportunity for the community to be compensated. Rook parallels this exploitation with the sale of the Manhattan Island, which was sold from the Algonquin Indians to Peter Minuit for what today would be $24 in 1626. By comparing these events, Rook emphasizes the importance of the Sun Dance and the history that the community has between non-Indigenous people (and in this case, white people) and their culture. This brings to question – how should you collaborate and approach the culture of a people who have historically been exploited, deceived, or oppressed?

SongCatcher: Reckoning and (possibly) Reconciling with Frances Densmore.

Written in 1998 by Native American playwright Marcie Rendon, SongCatcher follows two young Native American protagonists who are visited by the spirits of their ancestors, as well as that of Frances Densmore, infamous in the field musicology for her recordings of Native American songs, including those of the Ojibwe and Sioux, among others.

The protagonists of the play, Jack and Chris are foils. Jack tries to get back in touch with tradition through reading Densmore’s work and playing her transcriptions on a keyboard. Chris, on the other hand, participates in more traditional ways of gaining knowledge. She learns from elders.

The pair are visited by spirits in their dreams. The spirit of Frances Densmore initially visits Chris. The audience might see similarities between the two; both young women who are sure of themselves. In the initial dream, Rendon even imagines them smoking together (31). Their exchange, though, quickly turns a bit hostile:

FRANCES DENSMORE
This is the one habit I’ve acquired while in the company of your people. I find it most relaxing. I might even venture to say that tobacco might be Native people’s greatest contribution to modern civilization.
CHRIS
Well that contribution you’re sitting there smoking was given to us by the Creator to pray with.
FRANCES DENSMORE
I’m well aware of the spiritual significance your people place on this plant. If I daresay, given the extent of my research, there are a few things I could possibly even teach you.
CHRIS
Oh, really? (31-2)


Densmore is a kind of Faustian anti-villain in the piece. The scenes we do see her in show her dubious ethics, but many of the dream scenes center on her personal life, her relationship with her best friend and her sister. Her obsession with her work consumes her over the course of the play, culminating in the final scene where she burns her personal papers:

FRANCES DENSMORE
… I don’t want people rifling through the attachments of my heart once I am gone.
OLD MAN SPIRIT
I cry for your spirit. The songs you recorded were always The People’s. The work you clung to was never yours. Once you’ve burned the stirrings of your heart, you will be no more. (80)


Densmore, by erasing her letters, is erasing herself. She hopes to be remembered through her work. In a similar way, she erased the people who gave her the songs in trying to preserve them. They are missing the living knowledge essential to them.


This highlights an essential difference in Densmore’s view of knowledge, and an Indigenous view represented by Chris and the spirits of this play: To Densmore, knowledge is information. It is the notes of the page, the words in the songs, etc. To Chris, knowledge is a gift from previous generations to the next, and most importantly, it is lived (“being Indian is something you live. It’s inside you. You can’t learn it from a tape.” (12) )


In her Author’s note, Rendon says that the conversation around Densmore does us a disservice by implying that “the real songs are locked up in Washington, D˙C˙, instead of in the hearts and spirits of Native people themselves. It is a systematic erosion of a people’s belief in themselves, their own history, and their very existence as a living, breathing, modern people.” (4-5)


The play handles the life of Frances Densmore with a focus on her heart and spirit, extending to her what she did not extend to her subjects.

Rendon, Marcie. SongCatcher. 1998.

Who defines America’s Musical Identity?

“Can any composer ever purge himself entirely of foreign influences?” is the question that David Ewen presents while discussing the birth of the “first coherent musical expression to be produced in America” in a 1933 issue of The Musical Times. It is important to keep in mind that Ewen is exclusively referring to European influences amongst the compositions of young white male composers that make up the New School of American Music, and is implying that American music must be purged of its diverse influences to be considered legitimately American. This question seeks to justify the dismissal of black American jazz contributions while claiming originality, but still reflects the ongoing question: what is American music?  Ideals such as autonomy, originality, white purism and “self sufficiency [to] preclude the exotic” are all discussed by Ewen and the new school of composers in New York. One of the founders of this new school, Aaron Copland, claimed early in his career that “jazz-idiom was the native musical tongue of his country,” but later digressed and recognized that “it is certainly not an interpretation of all America.” There is some truth in this statement, but in the search for what constitutes “indigenous” (word choice by Ewen) American music, neither Ewen nor Copland in 1933 propose the envelopment of Native American or Latin American influences in the search to define a holistic American musical identity, perpetuating the ethnocentric discussion of who is encompassed in American music. 

Attached below is Louis Gruenberg’s, “The Daniel Jazz” which Ewen describes as being successful in producing “an original musical tongue such as we have not heard in the music of any other composer.” Ewen also describes moments [in the composition] of the volcanic and savage passion so characteristic of the negro,” which I find to be so interestingly juxtaposed with claims of originality from a white male composer. This piece reflects the pertinence of black american jazz influence that white composers took on as “originality” throughout the 20th century. 

(Throughout this post I tried to prioritize quoting the language that was used throughout Ewen’s feature, because I think it contributes to the sense of white purism that is infused in his discussion of what he claims to be musical innovation.) 

David Ewen. “The New School of American Music.” The Musical Times 74, no. 1088 (1933): 881–83. https://doi.org/10.2307/918504.

Thomas McKenney: Another Complicated Character.

The Indian Removal Act of 1830 was a law passed by President Andrew Jackson in order to, as the name of the law suggests, remove Native Americans from the areas east of the Mississippi River, and relocate them elsewhere. Notable images this invokes include the Trail of Tears and the Pottawatomie Trail of Death.

Thomas McKenney was the Superintendent of Indian Affairs at the time, helped to draft the Indian Removal Act, and a believer in the Native American “Civilization” program. He ran an experiment, hosting two young Native American men and allowing them to attend a white school. He reflected on his efforts in an 1872 publication of his book “History of the Indian Tribes of North America: With Biographical Sketches and Anecdotes of the Principal Chiefs”: “[…] in the attempt to civilise the Indian, a little learning is a dangerous thing, and that a half-educated savage seldom becomes an useful man. […] Unless he has the strength of mind to attach himself decidedly to one side or the other, he is apt to vacillate between employments of the white man and the Indian, inferior to both, and respected by neither.” (McKenney, 302). For this experiment, and general lack of harmony on the issue of Native American intelligence, he was dismissed by the Jackson Administration later that year.

He was a profound believer in the “Myth of the Disappearing Indian”, the myth that Native Americans are mysteriously disappearing, so he collaborated with writer James Hall and painter Charles Bird King to create a collection of biographies, stories, and portraits from Native Americans. The myth resulted in many white Americans with some degree of power and no ethnological experience rushing out to record any amount of native culture they stumble upon. This sounds like a well-meaning effort, but neither one of the three were ethnographers, thus much of the text, especially involving the music and art that the Native Americans would create is not quite neutral.

“The music”, they write, “is a monotonous beating upon a rude drum, without melody or tune; the movements exhibit neither grace nor agility, and the dancers pass around a circle with their bodies uncouthly bent forward, as they appear in the print, uttering low, dismal, syllabic sounds, which they repeat with but little perceptible variation throughout the exhibition.” (Mckenney 4). This hearkens back about three hundred years to when Sir Francis Drake described, upon meeting some of the first indigenous Americans, their music as “miserable” and “shreeking”, (Tick 6).

It’s possible that they created this collection not for the sake of preserving Native American culture, but rather to preserve their own senses of morality. While McKenney did preserve some stories and portraits of people at the time, he still perpetuated the idea that white people have to save this “endangered species”, while not condemning his own actions while in office or the actions of the government.

McKenney, Thomas, et al. History of the Indian Tribes of North America with Biographical Sketches and Anecdotes of the Principal Chiefs. 1830. vol. 1, Philadelphia, PA, E.C. Biddle, 1838. Accessed 19 Sept. 2024.

Music in the USA : A Documentary Companion, edited by Judith Tick, and Paul Beaudoin, Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central, https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/stolaf-ebooks/detail.action?docID=415567.

Native American celebration

Music and dance are two things that have gone hand in hand since early times.  We all have had our experience of dancing. Whether it is a high school dance, prom, party’s, or other similar events. Where the unique aspect of dance begins is when it is attached to more than just music. For the Native Americans dance and movement went hand and hand with beliefs. It was used for religious events, spirituals, and celebrations that tied heavily into the culture. We know this by accounts from those who witnessed and the ones who kept traditions alive through the generations. The descendents of those Natives later would tell their stories and ways to outside individuals to keep them alive and remembered but this is where we get to the part that stuck out to me. This part of their culture is so unique and interesting because it is so different from other forms of movement that we see predominantly. Ballet, point, and the other modern forms are very elegant and people associate them with elegance. The dances and ceremonies of the natives struck people as odd and barberic. When they were just as beautiful and important. They were important to the Native Americans and they should not be viewed as barbaric or odd. Unique is a better way of viewing them. They still must be respected because they are fellow human beings.  So were the people that were taking in this knowledge also thinking this way. Did The ones who were drawing the pictures or making the accounts actually want to honor this from the natives view and do what the natives said to fully honor and respect their culture?  Or are they just doing it their way and framing it in the way that they are doing it the right way when they actually are not fully or not entirely at all respecting the weight behind the culture. The image that I found on the Indigenous Histories and Cultures in North America archive is that of Native Americans dancing. The document which the image was found was in Ely Samuel Parker’s Scrapbook Volume 5. Ely Samuel Parker who was a United States Army officer and Commissioner of Indian affairs. However the image was drawn by William Allen Rogers who was a white American who drew political cartoons and was most known for that. That brings to light the question of did WIlliam Allen Rogers capture the true image that took place that day. Did he capture the image that he saw that day or did he try to capture what the Native Americans saw. Can he truly be a reliable primary source when he later went on to illustrate propaganda that is known to blow things out of proportion or bend that truth. This is the question that must be asked and will lead to making sure that primary sources are reliable or that more than one perspective is drawn.

 





Parker , Ely  Samuel. “Ely Samuel Parker Scrapbooks: Vol 5.” Indigenous Histories and Cultures in North America . Accessed September 19, 2024. https://www.indigenoushistoriesandcultures.amdigital.co.uk/Documents/Detail/indian-dance-standing-rock-agency/7035911?item=7035972&sessionId=&sessionENC=HUjPtMLH8w2WSLX%2beOQlZ9ZgEJDdB4yGOriihUGNuSnJhMsmHo5hfBRmLsTGhBiPMkLLwnzhKJlCNX1NH5JNeLi8uA2IJBZ3uXCk9k0nSo8%3d&returnURL=https%3a%2f%2fwww.indigenoushistoriesandcultures.amdigital.co.uk%2fDocuments%2fDetail%2findian-dance-standing-rock-agency%2f7035911%3fitem%3d7035972&JWTtoken=eyJhbGciOiJIUzI1NiIsInR5cCI6IkpXVCJ9.eyJ0eXAiOiJFeHQiLCJkYXRhIjp7IldlYnNpdGVLZXkiOiJ1YXRhaWhjIiwiT3JnYW5pc2F0aW9uSWQiOiIyNTIxIiwiT3JnYW5pc2F0aW9uTmFtZSI6IlN0IE9sYWYgQ29sbGVnZSIsIkFjY2Vzc1R5cGUiOiJGdWxsIiwiV2Vic2l0ZUlkIjoiNTcifSwiZXhwIjoxNzI2ODU3NDk5LCJvaWQiOjI1MjF9.0Sz01yfewqP2ryYurBZKPZqWG8uSs079Y3u6P8WjeWY

The Gathering of Nations: North America’s Biggest Powwow

The Gathering of Nations is North America’s biggest powwow in history. They have been celebrating their history and culture all as one for the past 41 years (1). Along with the Powwow, this now three-day celebration also includes events like Miss Indian World, a Horse Parade, and the Indian Trading Market. 

One of the first logos for The Gathering of Nations (Akwasasne Notes, Vol. 21, No. 6, Dec. 1989.) (5)

The Gathering of Nations was started back in 1983 by a man named Derek Mathews, who still manages the event today along with his wife and daughter. After hosting for so long, and at the level this event rose in popularity, many Native Americans were curious and outraged why Derek, an African American, was managing such a big cultural event. In an interview with the Chicago Tribune, he states that “They [Lakota holy men he met with in South Dakota] said I was the one to carry it forward. It needed to be somebody outside of the tribal boundaries,” he recalled. “That way it could be entrusted to someone who would carry it for all tribes” (2). In this article, he later states that he did indeed have Native ancestors, relatives of the Cherokee Nation, that he did not know about until he went searching. 

Written in the Akwesasne Notes Vol. 17, No. 6 in 1985, attendance after the first two years of hosting was over 1,000 dancers from more than 200 Native American Reservations and Reserves (3). Derek states in an interview with the Gathering of Nations Powwow team, the following year from the Akwesasne Notes article in 1985 was the year they needed to move to a new venue since their current place was too small (4, 1:09). Still taking place in Albuquerque, New Mexico, the Gathering of Nations is the largest Powwow in North America today with over 70,000 attendees from over 565 tribes.

An advertisement, and change of dates and venue, for the 1986 Gathering of Nations. (Akwasasne Notes, Vol. 17, No. 6, Dec. 1985.)

Sources:

  1. “Gon History.” Gathering of Nations, 9 Sept. 2023, www.gatheringofnations.com/history/#:~:text=The%20Gathering%20of%20Nations%20is%20produced%20and%20managed%20by%20Derek,%26%20Melonie%20Mathews.
  2. “Impresario Creates Controversy with Powwow Success.” Chicago Tribune, Chicago Tribune, 21 Aug. 2021, www.chicagotribune.com/2003/06/25/impresario-creates-controversy-with-powwow-success/.
  3. The Akwasasne Notes, Vol. 17, No. 6, Page 15. Published December, 1985. The Newberry Library, Rooseveltown, NY. https://www.indigenoushistoriesandcultures.amdigital.co.uk/Documents/Detail/akwesasne-notes-vol.-17-no.-6/7027181?item=7027189
  4. “Inside GON with Derek Mathews.” Youtube, Gathering of Nations Powwow, 5 Nov. 2012, youtu.be/XDT45cjhZxQ?si=cICvAqLpyI4O0GKc.
  5. The Akwasasne Notes, Vol. 21, No. 6. Published December, 1989. The Newberry Library, Rooseveltown, NY. https://www.indigenoushistoriesandcultures.amdigital.co.uk/Documents/Detail/akwesasne-notes-vol.-21-no.-6/7027271?item=7027287

 

Emile Petitot and his accounts of Native music

During his decades of missionary work in the Northwest Territories of Canada, Father Emile Petitot wrote much on his experiences with the native peoples. One document, published seven years following his forced return to France as a result of poor health and occasional bouts of insanity, was a collection of songs Petitot had heard the natives singing for various dances, games, and war ceremonies. With transcribed melodies and his best attempts of words, Petitot recorded 46 different songs that are now permanently a part of history.

As pictured above, the manuscript shows a rough approximation of what Petitot heard. While we now understand that the concepts of 12 tone temperament and a standard key signature are really only well suited for traditionally “western” music styles, Petitot’s transcription still gets enough information about the music itself to get the ideas across. Notably, much of the context behind the history and purpose of the songs is lacking, but the European attitude towards the Native Americans at the time as people who had fallen from God’s grace and needed saving likely influenced him to simply ignore the context and keep trying to convert all that he could.

While his most notable accomplishments were not music related, being a missionary and cartographer before a musicologist, his recording and publication of Native music to a European audience was another important step in the understanding of Native culture, albiet from a controversial source. From temporary excommunication, getting forcibly admitted to an asylum, attempted murder of a colleague, and his general lack of respect toward the Dele and Inuit peoples, Petitot is the farthest one could be from a model musicologist. However, his work continued to set the stage for future ethnologists and musicologists to research the music of Native Americans, giving greater context to the work of Frances Densmore and others in the 20th century.

Works Cited

Moir, John S. “Petitot, Émile (Émile-Fortuné) (Émile-Fortuné-Stanislas-Joseph).” Dictionary of Canadian Biography, 1998, www.biographi.ca/en/bio.php?BioId=41771. 

Petitot, Emile. Chants indiens du Canada Nord-Ouest [manuscript] : recueillis, classés et notés par Emile Petitot, prêtre missionnaire au Mackenzie, de 1862-1882, 1889. 1862-1882], 1862.

Carlisle, Pennsylvania: Dangerous Music Education

Link

 

The Native American Boarding Schools here in the United States and Canada are known to be one of the most culturally tragic places in all of U.S. history. Their practices diminished and destroyed cultures that were present centuries before the white Europeans’ settlement On Native American land. These practices included the punishment of students who spoke their Native Language, cutting their hair, which was deemed spiritually important, and most tragically, stripping them of their families and their homes to force them to Western living. Another interesting, and also tragic, was the intense acclimation and forceful immersion of introducing Western Music to the Native American children within the school.

Carlisle Pennsylvania is home to one of the many Native American Boarding Schools in the United States. The first thing that drew me to these sources in particular were the pictures of the students transitioning from what we know as their Native attire, to then presenting themselves through a Western aesthetic and dress. The obvious pride the school had for the students that “successfully”

transitioned from the school also exudes the amount of pride that the faculty had in believing their attempts were successful and meaningful. Although the pride the faculty had was however very present and true, this does not justify their horrific attempts to erase Native American culture. 

United States Indian Industrial School, Carlisle, Pennsylvania. Indigenous Histories and Cultures in North America. (n.d.).

The Carlisle Native American Boarding School also took much pride in their music program as that was another way they believed they could control the Native American children, was by forcing them through Western Music Education. Here, a picture showing (although not confirmed, I can logically hypothesize because she was listed as the only music educator on the campus), Miss Verna Dunagan teaching a young Native American student how to play the piano.

United States Indian Industrial School, Carlisle, Pennsylvania. Indigenous Histories and Cultures in North America. (n.d.).

Further into the source, pictures of young male Native American students participating in what is known today as concert bands. These musical practices were used to separate the students further from their culture. The primary source states, “Music divine soothes even the savage beast (not original)”.

Documents. Documents | Carlisle Indian School Digital Resource Center. (1919).

Documents. Documents | Carlisle Indian School Digital Resource Center. (1919).

Therefore, further perpetuates the racist ideology that Native Americans were not seen nor respected as human beings, but rather more comparable to animals. By using Western canon and music ensembles as a means of control, it drove students further away from their Native culture.

United States Indian Industrial School, Carlisle, Pennsylvania. Indigenous Histories and Cultures in North America. (n.d.).

Although I can argue and state that the erasure of Native American culture in Carlisle was terrible and the use of music was wrongful and forceful, I am also a participant of a wind ensembles whose institution currently sits atop a hill that formerly (and rightfully) belonged to the Wahpekuteh Band of the Dakota Nation. Acknowledging this history does not take away from the horrid atrocities done to Native Americans, I acknowledge and understand the privilege my background has sand the harm it has caused.  When reflecting upon these practices, we can also begin to question the true nature of American Music. Whether music was developed within our country or not, the intention in which it was created (or forced) is to control the sound of our country. 

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iRTURifvbxQ

Sources:

Documents. Documents | Carlisle Indian School Digital Resource Center. (1919). https://carlisleindian.dickinson.edu/index.php/documents

United States Indian Industrial School, Carlisle, Pennsylvania. Indigenous Histories and Cultures in North America. (n.d.). https://www.indigenoushistoriesandcultures.amdigital.co.uk/Documents/Detail/united-states-indian-industrial-school-carlisle-pennsylvania/7031457?item=7031485

List of Indian boarding schools in the United States. The National Native American Boarding School Healing Coalition. (n.d.-a). https://boardingschoolhealing.org/list/

American Artists and Iroquois Peoples

The credibility and ethics of historical ethnographic work, especially in regards to the Indigenous communities of North America have been questioned next to modern standards. One of the more obvious examples of this is early ethnographers putting Native American songs to Western(Eurocentric) Notation. However, it wasn’t just ethnographers who studied Native American culture. The source below comes from the notes of an artist named Rufus Grider, who was not likely studying these people for ethnographic purposes or with ethnographic standards in mind(for better or worse). The notes study the Iroquois peoples who lived(and live now) mainly in the Northeastern region of the United States. Before looking at the music, Grider’s categorizes this song with “Iroquois” which earlier he includes the five tribes that are included under that label which include: The Mohawks(Grider clarifies that their official and proper name is “Caniegas”), Onidas, Onondagas, Cayugas, and The Senecas. He also describes and lists the dances he saw as well as his guesses on celebrations they were attached too, but here he titles it simply “Dance Song” 1. In connection to the music, one of the more curiously inaccurate aspects of this work is that it has a key signature(in what looks to be c minor) as the Indigenous peoples likely did not sing in accordance with western scales and keys. 

It is also possible that Rufus Grider was not the one who created this piece of sheet music as he attributes the work to an “H.M. Converse, a white woman, an adopted Indian” at the bottom of the piece. With further research it is found that this woman’s name is Harriet Maxwell Converse and the name she was given by the Seneca People(who adopted her) meant “Bearer of the Law” because she supported the Iroquois Convention 2

The purpose of Graider’s notes was likely for artistic interests or motivations but despite its clear inaccuracies, it is a good tool for people who are more familiar with western notation and who have not experienced the music or culture3(in addition to the fact that recording devices were not widely used in the late 1800’s when this source was written). If Converse had an intended audience, it would likely have been for audiences like these.

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Music and Assimilation in a 19th-Century Indian Boarding School

In the late 19th century, the U.S. government established Native American Boarding Schools, also known as Indian Boarding Schools, as a means of assimilating Indigenous youth into American culture.1

This extract is titled In a Government Indian School, written by Bertha S. Wilkins and published in 1897. The article describes Wilkins’s experiences as a teacher at a Government boarding school on the Pima Indian Reservation in Arizona. Wilkins begins by categorizing various “types” of students, stating, “Better conditions for studying the Indian child can hardly be imagined”.2 As a government employee and teacher, her role in the boarding school allowed her the freedom to write openly in this manner. She touches on topics ranging from social standing to academics, often with vivid descriptions, particularly regarding music. The tone suggests the article was written for those interested in the boarding school and in understanding what the students from the reservations were like as they went through the process of assimilation. For example, she writes, “Little Alice, under exactly the same conditions, has little power of concentration, but sings so sweetly and enjoys life so much that one is tempted to let her go her own smiling little way.”3 This shows a lack of objectivity in her observations, as there is no detailed analysis of the singing beyond the word “sweetly,” which reduces the individuality of the girl described. Browner highlights the importance of recognizing regional differences in singing styles, something Wilkins overlooks here.4

Wilkins describes this particular tribe of students as being highly musical but writes, “Their voices do not have the silvery quality of the white child’s voice, nor the rich resonance of the young Negro’s; yet under training they develop a quality of tone which is distinctive and charming.”5 This echoes similar descriptions found in Tick’s (2008) documentary collections, where Native voices were often characterized as “miserable” or “shrieking,” even when not referring specifically to singing.6
Wilkins’s portrayal carries a tone of undervaluing Native American voices, through comparison and by suggesting they require training, at least in singing.

This text reflects the cultural attitudes of the late 19th century when boarding schools were established on reservations for the purpose of assimilation and the study of Native cultures, seen at the time as “sub-cultures.” The narrative reinforces the idea of Native Americans being in the early stages of cultural evolution, with the classroom serving as a kind of laboratory where children were observed while being taught Western ways of life, including the refinement of their singing voices to produce a more desirable tone. Wilkins’s account fails to mention important aspects such as classroom management, discipline, or the children’s personal experiences, and it does not address how this education impacted their family dynamics. Instead, her tone remains light, offering little insight into the children’s emotional or psychological experiences within this system.

1 Mejia, Melissa. “The U.S. History of Native American Boarding Schools.” The Indigenous Foundation, July 26, 2022. https://www.theindigenousfoundation.org/articles/us-residential-schools.

Bertha Wilkins, “In a Government Indian School,” Land of Sunshine, June-November 1897, 242-247, Indigenous Histories and Cultures in North America.

Wilkins, “In a Government Indian School,” 243.

5 Wilkins, “In a Government Indian School,” 245.

6 Tick, Judith, and Beaudoin, Paul, eds. Music in the USA : A Documentary Companion. Oxford: Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2008. Accessed September 20, 2024. ProQuest Ebook Central.

Carlisle Indian Industrial School & Music – Sadie Metoxen

Sadie Metoxen, Oneida, 1918.

Growing up, I remember very little about the education I received regarding Indigenous peoples of the United States. I may have completed a project on an Indigenous tribe or been lectured about tribal territories, but I don’t recall ever studying specific Indigenous figures outside of war. This raises a critical question about the modern American education system: how are Indigenous children and cultures presented? Many students struggle to name significant aspects of Indigenous culture outside of narratives centered around bloodshed and conflict, reflecting a troubling trend of erasure and whitewashing of Indigenous history and culture in American schools. 

One stark example of this erasure is the boarding school system, which operated under the motto “Kill the Indian, save the man.”  Established in the mid-1800s, these institutions aimed to strip away Indigenous identities and impose Western-Christian values on native youth. The Carlisle Indian Industrial School in Carlisle, Pennsylvania operated from 1879-1918, which served as a model for several non-reservation boarding schools throughout the United States. But what do we know about its students? 

In 1912, Sadie Christine Metoxen, a member of the Oneida Nation, entered the Carlisle Indian School at 17 years old. She spent 5 years at Carlisle, becoming a member of the senior class of 1918 – the last graduating class to go through Carlisle. During her senior year, Metoxen contributed heavily to the 1918 Carlisle Indian Industrial School yearbook, including an opening letter and diary entries that depicted life at Carlisle. Throughout the diary entries, Metoxen mentions the term “music” in several contexts, on nearly every page. Entries include: “(9)8. First period in music. Seniors in a singing mood, especially “Gertie”, “(9)12. First class song handed in; composer, Abbie Somers”,  “(11)7. Chapel: good singing”, and “(12)10. “Music, music everywhere”, Miss Dunnagan declared”. Metoxen captures not just the mechanics of music education, but also the emotional landscapes of her peers. Her mention of a “singing mood” reflects a collective spirit, hinting at the camaraderie that developed among students as they navigated the complexities of their circumstances. Through her reflections, Metoxen illustrated the resilience of Indigenous culture amidst the challenge of assimilation. 

Cover of Carlisle Indian Industrial School yearbook, 1918.

In reading Metoxen’s accounts, I noted similarities to Tick’s Music in the USA: A Documentary Companion due to its primary source accounts of interactions between white European settlers and Indigenous peoples.  However, Tick’s sources often feel disingenuous, misrepresenting Indigenous peoples through an inferior lens. While both resources provide insights into the past, they highlight a significant divide in how Indigenous experiences are portrayed. While Metoxen’s writings offer a personal and authentic glimpse into the lives of Indigenous students, Tick’s sources fail to capture the richness and complexity of Indigenous cultures, reducing them to stereotypes. This contrast underscores the urgent need for a more nuanced and accurate representation of Indigenous histories in education, one that honors their voices and experiences rather than marginalizing them.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Carlisle Indian School. Carlisle (1918). Carlisle Indian Industrial School, 1918. Print, Archives, The Newberry Library.

Music in the USA: A Documentary Companion, edited by Judith Tick, and Paul Beaudoin, Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2008. ProQuest Ebook Central, https://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/stolaf-ebooks/detail.action?docID=415567.

In A League of His Own: Bill Miller

New Age Native American music emerged in the late 20th century as a fusion of traditional indigenous sounds and contemporary influences. Artists like Bill Miller and R. Carlos Nakai are notable figures in the emergence of this genre, which celebrates Native American culture while reaching broader audiences. In this post I will be focusing on Miller’s contribution to the New Age Native American scene.

Miller’s 1992 Hit “Tumbleweeds”

The work that Bill Miller has done has been of paramount importance. From his symphonic work to folk albums, he’s done it all. On his success in the media, it was said in the January-March 1996 edition of Akwesasne Notes “I believe his label has pushed the “Indian” side of Bill’s music, but Bill delivers it well, he could be played on any number of mainstream music formats.”And that he was. Miller’s music has been included on projects such as the Grammy winning song Colors of the Wind  from Disney’s Pocahontas, and has done collaborations with many other artists including Pearl Jam, Tori Amos, and Arlo Guthrie. In the year 2000, he brought home five Nammys from the Native American Music Awards.

Miller has been able to very successfully weave together these many traditions with his Native American identity, and it has been a true testament to the importance of music in everything. For example, his symphonic world titled The Last Stand about the Battle of Little Bighorn was a huge deal when it premiered in 2008. The performance was sold out and there were many pictures taken that are now a part of the Smithonian’s National Museum of the American Indian. Music has the power to impact so much, and Bill Miller’s music has and continues to do so.

Works Referenced:

“Akwesasne Notes Vol. 2 No. 1.” American Indian Digital History Project. Accessed September 19, 2024. https://www.aidhp.com/items/show/3. 

Key, Tyler, Ken Lingad, and Bill Miller. “Main Home.” Official Bill Miller Website, December 9, 2022. https://billmiller.co/pages/about/. 

Émile Pentitot’s Athabaskan Dictation

Father Émile Pentitot was a French missionary who spent years of the late 19th century in the Canadian Northwest with the goal of spreading religion, collecting data on native tribes, and mapping and recording ethnic and geographic data.1 Petitot published many of his findings, with his most famous being the “Dictionnaire de la langue dènè-dindjié,” which was a book of definitions and translations of the major Athabaskan languages.1 His research shown below is a collection of Native American music, titled “Chants indiens du Canada Nord-Ouest,” collected between the years 1862-1882.

This source is quite unique to Petitot’s works, seeing as he is primarily a geographer and linguist, which raises the question: why did he collect this source? He had no motivation from the government as Francis Densmore would almost 10 years later and he wasn’t a musicologist. While Petitot was primarily a missionary, he also had a personal mission of collecting as many geographical and ethnographic observations about the region as possible.3 This includes music, especially that of community gatherings. Petitot also saw language as the key to religious conversion,3 which also applies to music. Petitot could have seen music as another opportunity to relate the music of the church to tribal song, and create a sense of familiarity between them. Lastly, Petitot was himself an appreciator of the arts,1 and could be intrigued by collecting the music that he observed alongside his drawings of Athabaskan settlements and clothing.

Is this source an representation of the Athabaskan cultures? It is unlikely. As observed with Densmore and other white researchers aiming to document Native American music, this music is not meant to be written in Western notation, or the notation that is often seen throughout America and Europe today. There is a loss of nuance in rhythm, pitch, vocal tone, and energy. For example, in the source above, Petitot uses a standard five line staff and treble clef to notate these songs. He uses meters such as 3/4 and 6/8 and musical terms such as “da càpo” and “risoluto” to describe the music.4 None of these terms are ones which the Athabaskan tribes would understand or used to describe their music themselves. Further, the music was most likely not consensually taken from the culture which it originated. This is further evident by the fact that Petitot was a missionary,1 whose whole job is to convert others to their religion. He also made many incorrect assumptions about the tribes that he visited due to long-standing mental confusion, including a belief that there was a world-wide conspiracy to murder him in order to prevent continued research.3 He was also not a good person in general, being excommunicated from his mission group in 1866 due to a sexual relationship with a boy servant.2

Overall, while this source is an intriguing look into historical research and collection of Athabaskan culture, it is most likely not the most accurate representation of their culture, and is most likely intrusive and assumptive of their practices.

1 Savoie, Donat. 1982. EMILE PETITOT (1838-1916). Arctic, vol. 35, no. 3,, pp. 446–47. JSTOR, http://www.jstor.org/stable/40509367. (Accessed 19 Sept. 2024).

2 John S. Moir. “PETITOT, ÉMILE (Émile-Fortuné) (Émile-Fortuné-Stanislas-Joseph),” in Dictionary of Canadian Biography, vol. 14, University of Toronto/Université Laval, 2003–, https://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/petitot_emile_14E.html. (Accessed September 19, 2024).

3 Honigmann, John J. “EMILE FORTUNÉ STANISLAS JOSEPH PETITOT ENCYCLOPEDIA ARCTICA 15: BIOGRAPHIES.” Dartmouth College Library, collections.dartmouth.edu/arctica-beta/html/EA15-56.html. (Accessed 19 Sept. 2024).

4 Petitot, Father, Emile. “CHANTS INDIENS DU CANADA NORD-OUEST [MANUSCRIPT]: RECUEILLIS, CLASSÉS ET NOTÉS PAR EMILE PETITOT, PRÊTRE MISSIONNAIRE AU MACKENZIE, DE 1862-1882, 1889.” Mareuil-lès-Meaux (Seine-et-Marne), France. (Accessed 19 Sept. 2024).

Is it American Sound or Stealing Ideas?

Many American composers wished to create a distinctive American sound in their writing, one that would be different and distinct from European classical music. However, sometimes the way they went about finding this was not respectful or fair. American composers such as Dvorzak wanted to create something new and different than what Americans had heard before, however the way he went about doing this creates questions of the line that needs to be drawn between taking inspiration and stealing ideas. Many Native Americans had very beautiful music. However, many settlers came over and decided to steal the melodies of Native American folk tunes to commercialize them.

Dvorzak had a residency in the United States. Within this residency, “He believed the future of American music must be founded on the resources of the Native American, African American, and Creole American melodies and rhythms.” (1). Some may argue that this is a form of borrowing and appreciation of Native American music. Many pop artists today do collaborations with other artists, and receive help from many composers and producers to create their albums. However, the difference between those pop artists today and American composers in the past was that the collaborators on pop albums receive credit as well as a portion of the royalties from the music. On the other hand, the American composers in the past were stealing ideas from the Native American as well as African American population and not giving any sort of royalties or credit back to them. This is therefore instead of collaboration stealing ideas because the creation of this new music is rooted in colonization as well as exploitation of resources.

Many people were inspired by Dvorzak’s ideas and there was a movement created around this time called the “Indianist” movement, which involved stealing folk tunes from Native Americans and commercializing it to receive profit.

Amy Beach was another composer who was inspired by Dvorzak’s ideas and used Native American melodies and folk tunes for many of her compositions. However, after several compositions she realized that it would work better to use music that she was used to and grew up with instead of ideas from a culture she didn’t know. This is an interesting conclusion that she came to because it goes to show the lack of understanding Americans have towards Native American culture. Even when stealing ideas for the music, there is no way that others will be able to fully replicate the intricate details of the music, because it comes from the Native American culture. The only way to fully replicate these ideas would be to grow up as a Native American experiencing it. Therefore, despite the stealing and exploitation of ideas, no one will be able to take away the Native American culture and music away from them.

The issue of stealing ideas and exploitation of artists is still present today, as well as the lasting effects of colonization on marginalized groups. However, hopefully as a society we can move forward and create a better future for artists and marginalized groups to be able to live their life without being exploited or used.

Mercer, Stephanie. “An American Sound: Celebrating Native American Music through the ‘Indianist’ Movement and the American Piano Composer.” The American Music Teacher, vol. 71, no. 2, 2021, pp. 16-.

“American Jazz “Not So Bad” Says Soviet”: Two Tales of Popular Music

In the late 1950s a turn was happening among the American populous. Suddenly, Jazz was starting to catch on as popular music and was recognized as one of the true, if not THE truest form of American music. However, it wasn’t just in America where Jazz was getting recognition. In 1958, the Chicago Defender1 released an article detailing a Soviet author’s opinion on American Jazz as “not so bad”. The author certainly made their opinions on how Jazz serves the bourgeoise and ultimately hurts the proletariate as a result, there was praise and more importantly in my opinion, recognition, of the early roots of Jazz being stemmed in folk music traditions.

The Soviet author then goes on to explain that there is almost no popular music in the USSR- and that they wish they could create a sense of national identity within their musical culture. This notion comes specifically from this author not even two decades on since Shostakovich wrote his Symphony no. 5 which is shrouded in mystery as to its origins and message. What we do know about this symphony is that it was the saving hail-mary for Shostakovich’s career- and he was already being pressured by the Soviet government to begin planting the seeds of a national musical identity.

Through many mirrors, dimly: 100 years of Shostakovich | MPR News

Shostakovich in the late 1950s.

2

This contrasts heavily against American popular music’s development because of the former’s rather natural progression by the people with little government involvement. This progression, however, took almost 200 years to lead to Jazz. The Soviet government wanted this progression to happen faster, they were in an arms race, space race, and even… a music race concerning culture against the Americans. Did Soviet music ever take off? In the classical- surely as modern Russian composers have a clear place in the instrumental canon, but it seems that only today due to the internet and streaming services is Russian popular music finding its footing within its own Eastern European roots.

 

https://www.proquest.com/hnpchicagodefender/docview/493699491/CA623B654A3F41B8PQ/4?accountid=351

https://www.mprnews.org/story/2006/09/25/shostakovich

Florence Price and the Erasure of Black History

Florence Price is a name we are all hopefully familiar with. She was the first African-American woman to have her compositions performed by a major American symphony orchestra, and her life and work remain an important part of our history. Born in Little Rock, Arkansas in 1887, she was a musician from an early age and attended the New England Conservatory of Music in Boston when she was a teenager.1  In order to better her chances of attending the conservatory, some sources say she was dishonest about her racial background (she was the child of a biracial couple). In 1932, she won a prestigious composition competition and had the opportunity to have her Symphony No. 1 in E minor performed by the Chicago Symphony.2

Her career took another step forward when she was asked to perform her Concerto in One Movement with the same orchestra as the solo pianist. However, despite a promising start to her career, she struggled to gain recognition and opportunities because of her race and gender. She continued to release music under the male pen name of “Forrest Wood”.3
Throughout her career, she worked closely with pianist and composer Margaret Bonds, poet Langston Hughes, and contralto Marian Anderson.4

Her career was rife with racism and sexism – the fact that she was writing under a male Western name shows how she was forced to erase her own identity to survive. Her reviews, even supposedly positive ones, were all saturated with the same bias, like this one I found in the Chicago Defender:

“Florence Price’s contribution in the form of a piano concerto was by far the most important feature of the concert for here we see what the Negro has taken from his own idiom and good technique is beginning to develop on its own.” 5

Or this quote from Price herself:

“Unfortunately the work of a woman composer is preconceived by many to be light, froth, lacking in depth, logic, and virility. Add to that the incident of race–I have Colored blood in my veins–and you will understand some of the difficulties that confront one in such a position.”6

 

 

Price and her family were forced to leave Little Rock for Chicago in 1927 due to the increasing violence towards Black people in the South, directly following several lynchings in her area.7
While musical opportunities were greater for her in Chicago, she died with most of her 300+ works unpublished and inaccessible to the public until 2009, when boxes of sheet music were found in an abandoned house in St. Anne, Illinois.8 The house had been vandalized with the valuables stolen, but the sheet music was untouched and bore Price’s signature. Price’s music had been left in the house, which was discovered to have been her summer home, since her death in 1953. So why did it take this long for her works to be discovered, and how many other compositions and groundbreaking musical works lie untouched and undiscovered, just like Price’s? how many other Black composers remain uncredited for works we know and love? The erasure of Black history is a massive problem in America, and it is especially prevalent when looking at our musical history. Price is just one example of this.

1 Walker, Karla. “Racism and Sexism Stalled Her Career. Now Florence Price Is Finally Being Heard.” Colorado Public Radio, Colorado Public Radio, 1 July 2019, www.cpr.org/2018/04/16/racism-and-sexism-stalled-her-career-now-florence-price-is-finally-being-heard/
4 “Florence Price: Breaking Barriers of Race and Gender in Classical Music.” Pacific Chorale, www.pacificchorale.org/florence-price-breaking-barriers-of-race-and-gender-in-classical-music. Accessed 11 Nov. 2023

5 STARS WITH WOMEN’S SYMPHONY. (1934, Oct 20). The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967) Retrieved from https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/stars-with-womens-symphony/docview/492521061/se-2

6 Busch, Elizabeth. “Florence Price: Composer, Teacher, and Pianist.” Csmleesburg, csmleesburg, 10 Feb. 2022, www.thecatoctinschoolofmusic.com/post/florence-price-composer-teacher-and-pianist.

7 “Florence Price: Breaking Barriers of Race and Gender in Classical Music.” Pacific Chorale, www.pacificchorale.org/florence-price-breaking-barriers-of-race-and-gender-in-classical-music. Accessed 11 Nov. 2023

Another Aretha Franklin?

Mavis Staples is an American Gospel and soul singer who rose to fame by being a part of her family’s band, the Staples Singers. She is also quite the civil rights activist, she even had the opportunity to sing for Martin Luther King Jr. Mavis began singing with her family at age 10 all the way throughout her education. In the Chicago Daily Defender, Staples is regarded as “another voice that ranks with Aretha’s.” 1

Since debuting her first solo album in 1969 ‘Mavis Staples,’ she has since then recorded 14 albums under the genre: rhythm and blues along with gospel. It can be argued that ‘You Are Not Alone’ is one of Staples’ most popular songs. “‘You Are Not Alone’ is a track to someone who has lost a loved one. It’s a song to someone who has lost a relationship or a friend. It’s a song to someone experiencing hardship – to someone deep in depression or dismay. It’s a reminder that you are not alone.” 2

Mavis Staples and the Staples Singers served an important role during the Civil Rights Movement in the 1960’s. The music they produced during this time were filled with powerful messages about equality. In other words, Mavis Staples’ music consistently reflects her standpoint on social justice matters, we should regard her as true activist of her time. It should be noted that her messages of equality, inequality, hope, and freedom extends way beyond on the musical world.

The Ellington Band and Impact

Duke Ellington was one of the preeminent band leaders of the early 1900s. He was one of the key figures in the swing band industry and his band was among the longest enduring and more successful of the time. In addition to key musical contributions to the swing genre and Jazz at large, Ellington was a advocate for social justice and fought against discrimination and segregation1.

The swing band era in general was rife with discrimination as record companies had all the power and prioritized deals with white bands at the time. In addition, performance venues were highly segregated, giving priority to white led and white member bands2. Furthermore, the culture of the genre often led to band leaders being more in the spotlight, which combined with a set of racial stereotypes of the time often led to black led bands being more marginalized.

Ellington was also unique for his dedication to his musicians and because of his unique success as an arranger and seller of sheet music, he often relied on royalties to fund his band. His band had the longest running performance because as bands got more and more expensive to hold together, Ellington was willing to pay a premium price for his musicians and not even break even from concert sales. Although the long running prestige of the band boosted Ellington’s image, resulting in more sales of the sheet music.

Chicago Defender June 19 1948

In the 1940s, the Ellington band finally disbanded but Ellington’s impact on Jazz was still felt. He became a figure in the civil rights movement, embedding non-segregation clauses into contracts, composing works that drew interdisciplinary praise, and calling out appropriation.

Ellington’s impact these days is now seen as showcasing a unique and sophisticated development in Jazz music, highlighted by unique instrumentation, inventive arrangements, and strong stories.

 

1
Scott, Michelle R. “Duke Ellington’s Melodies Carried His Message of Social Justice – UMBC: University of Maryland, Baltimore County.” UMBC, UMBC Magazine, 19 May 2022, umbc.edu/stories/duke-ellingtons-message-of-social-justice/.

2
“Duke Ellington: ‘the Bandleader,’ Pt. 1.” NPR, NPR, 21 Nov. 2007, www.npr.org/2007/11/21/16321292/duke-ellington-the-bandleader-pt-1.

image
“Jazz Giant Died when Ellington Band Broke Up: Dominated Jazz World 30 Years, and Remade Era.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Jun 19, 1948. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/jazz-giant-died-when-ellington-band-broke-up/docview/492732663/se-2.

The Blues ties with Latin America and the Caribbean

Cuban Blues - song and lyrics by Chico O'Farrill | Spotify

The Blues being a form of “secular folk music” evolving in the early 20th century by African Americans primarily in the South is survived through the culture and the people which it makes an impression on. It is fascinating to see the Blues’ outreach into Latin American countries, especially those with high populations of African Americans and the ways that these regions have been impacted by the Blues musical style in the political atmosphere in the world.

In Baraka’s, Blue People, “Introduction” and “African Slaves/ American Slaves: Their Music,” Blues is described as “the parent of all legitimate jazz” but it is difficult to know the exact age of the Blues since it comes with the presence of Black folk themselves in the United States since it is “the product of the black man in this country…blues could not exist if the African captives had not become American captives” (17).  Furthermore, because of the history that Africans were indeed not originally Christian, this connects into the religious ties of the music thereafter which “celebrated the various cultic or ritualistic rites had to undergo a distinct and complete transfer of reference” (18).

In January 1965, the University of Michigan Jazz Band went on tour traveling to a multitude of Latin American countries and served as a case study to see "the far-reaching effects of cultural diplomacy...Both archival and oral history evidence indicate that the Michigan jazz band's tour succeeded in building vital imagined connections across international borders"<1>. The jazz band tour was a force that sew the essential role of musicianship in "fostering new transnational sensibilities.

Baker’s notion of the Blues is described “as a matrix” and “enabling script” for a comparative reading of texts by black writers from the United States, the Caribbean, and Africa.” Engaging in Blues and jazz there is a widespread incorporation of the music from black writers in the United States, the Caribbean, and Africa. It is said that “the writers of these texts engage in acts of identity through the use of blues and their creative work”.<2>

There is a concentration of African American population in the Caribbean so seeing the “Rhythm and the Blues: Caribbean Awards” source we can see the outreach that the Blues has had.<3> In The Music Education in the Caribbean and Latin America: A Comprehensive Guide, it goes into ways the music education system in Latin American and Caribbean islands incorporate the importance of the Blues into their school system.<4>

Lastly, a new method of “Caribbean literary analysis” draws from the “blues tradition in African American literature—similar to the way that reggae music borrows from the blues—and in so doing, highlighted the artistic and cultural influences that link people of color”. This further explores the theory through history as the “Blues and reggae in contemporary fiction manifest the oral tradition in African storytelling”.<5>

 

1.) FOSLER-LUSSIER, DANIELLE. “Cultural Diplomacy as Cultural Globalization: The University of Michigan Jazz Band in Latin America.” Journal of the Society for American Music 4, no. 1 (2010): 59–93. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1752196309990848.<1>

2.) Makuluni, Dean Edson. “Narrating the Blues: Music and Discursive Strategies in Selected African-American, Afro -Caribbean and Black South African Fiction.” ProQuest Dissertations Publishing, 1999.<2>

3.) McAdams, Janine. R&B ARTISTS & MUSIC: The Rhythm and the Blues: Caribbean Awards Say Hello To Banton. Billboard (Cincinnati, Ohio. 1963). Vol. 105. New York: P-MRC, 1993.<3>

4.) Torres-Santos, Raymond. Music Education in the Caribbean and Latin America: A Comprehensive Guide. 1st ed. Blue Ridge Summit: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, 2017.<4>

5.) Washington, Lynn. “‘Reggae Got Blues’: The Blues Aesthetic in African American Literature as a Lens for the Reggae Aesthetic in Anglophone Caribbean Literature.” ProQuest Dissertations Publishing, 2013.<5>

The Fear of Swing

From spirituals sung in clandestine church settings to uplifting anthems echoing throughout Civil Rights marches, gospel music is truly a cornerstone of the African-American cultural experience. This genre, steeped in faith, resilience, and a profound sense of community, played a pivotal role in galvanizing unity throughout the turbulent era of the Civil Rights Movement. 1 As African Americans grappled with racial inequality and fought valiantly for their rights, the stirring sounds of gospel music served as a collective heartbeat – a connecting thread woven into the historical tapestry of their struggle for freedom.

Rev. Lewis Aids Rights Efforts

Parallel to this powerful gospel tradition, another groundbreaking genre emerged – Jazz. Like an audible mosaic of spontaneous creativity, Jazz is quintessentially American, with its deepest roots fastened in African-American expression. The playful liberties taken with melodic structures and rhythms, and the inherent emotional rawness, made Jazz the innovative art form it is today. It quickly became the voice of a generation eager to express their experiences, trials, and triumphs.

However, the path wasn’t always melodious harmony for these two genres coexisting within the African-American music scene. Gospel, with its sacred origins and divine objective, often found itself at odds with Jazz, seen by some as secular and irreverent. The Jazz influence, with its characteristic ‘swing’, trickled into gospel music which stirred controversy among traditionalists. Some pastors and churchgoers feared that the sanctity of gospel songs would be diluted, diverting from their primary purpose of worship and spiritual connection. 2 This line of thinking is similar to most religious and musicological figures of the early churches, except they took a more extreme view, sometimes banning music altogether. 3

Charges Singers Jazzing

Despite these clashes, the genres managed to maintain a symbiotic relationship. Gospel and Jazz, like two sides of the same coin, symbolize unique facets of African-American identity – faith on one side and freedom of expression on the other. Both have left an indelible mark on American music, painting a soulful picture of cultural transformation and resilience.

 


Footnotes

1 “Rev. Lewis Aids Rights Efforts.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Feb 29, 1964. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/rev-lewis-aids-rights-efforts/docview/493071059/se-2.

2 “Charges Singers with ‘Jazzing’ Gospel Music: Composer Issues Blast at Gospel Choir Confab.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Aug 11, 1951. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/charges-singers-with-jazzing-gospel-music/docview/492830346/se-2.

3 Weiss, Piero, and Richard Taruskin. Music in the Western World. 1984. Pages 5-11, 21-27.

Willie’s Musical World Tour

While looking through The Chicago Defender, an African-American newspaper founded in 1905, I came across a series of articles written by Willie Belle Jones. Jones was an African-American woman who it seems worked as a musicologist for The Chicago Defender. Over the course of two years, Jones wrote a series of articles describing types of music from around the world. I could only find four of these articles, however it is implied in the article “Chinese Street Music” that Jones wrote one of these articles every week,1 although it is possible not all of these articles were about musical cultures. The range of the articles that have been preserved are from April 1929 through July 1930, however it is possible that this series extends beyond those boundaries.

A picture of Willie Belle Jones from 1929.

In the four articles I found, Jones shares her opinions of music from China, India, Japan, Mexico, and Peru. It is unclear whether or not Jones herself traveled to these countries, or had other methods of learning about their musical traditions. These articles show a care for musical cultures around the world, while also demonstrating that racism and xenophobia permeated nearly all corners of the United States throughout the 20th century.

Jones, Willie Belle. “MUSIC: MUSIC IN PERU AND MEXICO.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Apr 13, 1929. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/music/docview/492217804/se-2.

In this article, Jones discusses both Peruvian music and Mexican music. Jones compares these two traditions to each other, while also comparing them to “oriental” music traditions. I think these comparisons are problematic given that all of these traditions are so different and independent of one another. Also problematic are the descriptions of these two musical traditions. Jones describes Peruvian music as “Idyllic and Pastoral” while describing Mexican music as simply “barbarous.” It is already bad to assign certain qualities to an entire country’s music, and even worse to refer to an entire tradition as “barbaric pomp.”4

Jones, Willie Belle. “MUSIC: CHINESE STREET MUSIC.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Jun 15, 1929. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/music/docview/492306389/se-2.

Jones seems to take a fancy to “Chinese Street Music,” however that doesn’t stop her from impressive feats of racist rhetoric throughout the article. Jones refers to Chinese workers as “coolies,” which is a slur so old and racist that I didn’t even know it existed until just now. Jones also makes fun of the variance within this musical tradition, and describes it as “purely racket” and “[not] very pleasant to the ear.” However, Jones seems enamored by the idea of having music in the streets throughout the day.1

“MUSIC: MUSIC IN JAPAN.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967),Jul 05, 1930. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/music/docview/492235829/se-2.

Jones does not dedicate too much time to the music of Japan in this three sentence long column. She simply implies it’s basically the same as China, and moves on.3 This is insidious both for its lack of care and effort to understand Japanese music, as well as its essentialization of all Asian music as roughly identical.

Jones, Willie Belle. “MUSIC: MUSIC IN INDIA.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Mar 30, 1929. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/music/docview/492230977/se-2.

In this article, Jones argues that Indian music is more pleasing than that of the other countries she has described. What is the basis for this claim? That Indian music more closely resembles European music than that of the other countries. I don’t doubt that music built on “seven tones to the octave” with characteristics similar to European music can sound more familiar to Western audiences. However, to describe this music as objectively “more pleasing” due to its proximity to western classical music is eurocentric and a problem in and of itself.2

These articles showcase that even within communities working to combat racism in the United States, racism was still internalized to the fullest extent. However, it is cool to see the interest that this community had for other musical traditions from around the world.

 

1 Jones, Willie Belle. “MUSIC: CHINESE STREET MUSIC.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Jun 15, 1929. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/music/docview/492306389/se-2.

2 Jones, Willie Belle. “MUSIC: MUSIC IN INDIA.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Mar 30, 1929. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/music/docview/492230977/se-2.

3 MUSIC: MUSIC IN JAPAN.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967),Jul 05, 1930. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/music/docview/492235829/se-2.

4 Jones, Willie Belle. “MUSIC: MUSIC IN PERU AND MEXICO.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Apr 13, 1929. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/music/docview/492217804/se-2.



A Use of Fame

As the black rights movement began to gain popularity in the mid-1900s, mainly due to burgeoning public awareness about unequal opportunities and treatment, music played an important role in creating a unique space to express emotion and build community. However, the people behind the music held a significant amount of power and influence, a reputation built up as they gained rapport. Especially as audiences were able to see more and more of their favorite performers, on television in interviews and sometimes in multiple forms of media (performing music and acting in movies, for example) an artist’s opinion often held great weight. Therefore, although one might not think of Frank Sinatra as someone fairly important to civil rights movements, primarily considering he was of Italian heritage, it turns out that his reach was more extensive than some people may think.

Frank Sinatra performed a great variety of genres over his long and extremely successful career of singing and performing, but in the 1940s and 50s he was known primarily as a crooner, or a male singer who sang in a smooth an intimate style. This was primarily enabled by the development of better microphones in the 1940s that could pick up a wider range of pitches and harmonics, and was popularized by big bands and jazz vocalists. Frank Sinatra had a significant amount of contact with different jazz groups, singing in the Harry James and Tommy Dorsey bands, before becoming a solo artist as World War 2 rolled around, however it should be noted that both bands were composed almost entirely of white men playing jazz, with few actual black performers.

Despite him not singing with any major black ensembles of the time, nor significantly collaborating with black artists, Sinatra was a tremendous advocate for racial equality. In 1945, he sang at the anti-black strike at the Froebel high school in Gary, Indiana, where he, according to one article in the Chicago Defender, “told the teen-agers to ‘kick out’ the adult instigators.”1 Ironically, Sinatra was also passing up the chance to attend a New York rally honoring him for racial tolerance in order to sing in Gary. He also spoke with students and adults of the school and urged them to study the Springfield Plan, which was a historic plan first implemented in the primary school system of Springfield, Massachusetts, and served to define how multiracial schooling should be established throughout the United States.

Even though Sinatra was unsuccessful at ending the strike, his attendance at the event was noted and the school even reported that student attendance increased following his visit, even though the strike continued. Hilariously, the principal of Froebel, according to the article, “indicated that he believed the singer should have been ‘tolerant’ towards the anti-Negro strike leaders.”2 This serves as a small example that, regardless of background, there were those who were trying to use their influence and fame to foster tolerance and equality.

Works Cited:

1 RICHARD DURHAM Defender, Staff Correspondent. 1945. “Frank Sinatra Fails To Break Gary Hate Strike: Talk, Songs Win Applause But Walkout Still On Crooner Introduced By Negro Youth At Big Rally Of 5,000 ‘THE VOICE’ BLASTS GARY HATE STRIKE.” The Chicago Defender (National edition) (1921-1967), Nov 10. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/frank-sinatra-fails-break-gary-hate-strike/docview/492782477/se-2.

2 Ibid.

 

 

Real Music in the Chicago Defender

The Chicago Defender was one of the most important newspapers of its time.  The first black newspaper to have a circulation of over 100,000 copies1, the Defender was read all throughout Chicago and the South.  In addition, almost two thirds of its readers lived outside of Chicago.  Within the Defender was a column written by David Peyton called “The Musical Bunch” which wasn’t as much aimed at the consumer as much as it was the musician.  Peyton would encourage “…his readers, whom he referred to as “the Musical Bunch,” to practice their instruments, attend engagements, arrive punctually for gigs, perform well, and above all to behave in a professional manner” (Waits 2013) 2.

While Peyton was supportive of black musicians, he was derisive towards jazz as a genre.  While he was glad that playing jazz was a means for black musicians to be successful, he wrote in 1927 that jazz did little to supplement musicians from an artistic standpoint3.  To him, jazz was raucous and illegitimate; full of “incorrect fingerings”. This perspective is echoed in Anne Faulkner’s article, “Does Jazz Put the Sin in Syncopation”, where she describes jazz as a destructive influence on American popular music.  Similar to Faulkner, Peyton makes a distinction between orchestrated jazz and the kind found in bars.  Both found the latter to be, in Peyton’s words, “barbaric, discordant, wild, shrieky music” that tainted otherwise talented musicians.

While Peyton denied the merit of jazz, what he could not deny was its overwhelming popularity.  Even this concession, however, was filled with lament.  Further in his July, 1927 edition of “The Musical Bunch”, Peyton discusses how jazz has expanded throughout the American and international sphere, but he applauds the “high calibre” Europeans that would rather import American jazz than learn the tradition themselves.  Peyton, who was a pianist and orchestra leader at the time, also mentioned that he would only play jazz briefly upon request due to its popularity.

While it is easy to write of people like Anne Faulkner as fearful racists, it was curious to see that a black musician would so aggressively deride jazz.  He wanted for black musicians to be successful in the music business, but only under the Western musical canon, which he believed to be uniquely refined and technical.  Jazz, to him, a means to bread on the table, not real music.

1“The Chicago Defender.” n.d. www.pbs.org. Accessed November 8, 2023. http://www.pbs.org/blackpress/news_bios/defender.html#:~:text=The%20Chicago%20Defender%20was%20the.

2Waits, Sarah A., “”Listen to the Wild Discord”: Jazz in the Chicago Defender and the Louisiana Weekly, 1925-1929″ (2013). University of New Orleans Theses and Dissertations. 1676. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1676

3Peyton, Dave. “THE MUSICAL BUNCH: WHAT JAZZ HAS DONE.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Jul 16, 1927. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/musical-bunch/docview/492206986/se-2.

Works Cited

“The Chicago Defender.” n.d. www.pbs.org. Accessed November 8, 2023. http://www.pbs.org/blackpress/news_bios/defender.html#:~:text=The%20Chicago%20Defender%20was%20the.

Waits, Sarah A., “”Listen to the Wild Discord”: Jazz in the Chicago Defender and the Louisiana Weekly, 1925-1929″ (2013). University of New Orleans Theses and Dissertations. 1676. https://scholarworks.uno.edu/td/1676

Walser, Robert. 2015. Keeping Time : Readings in Jazz History. New York: Oxford University Press.

Duke Ellington

Ellington wins Spingarn award. Article published in the Daily Defender.1

Duke Ellington is commonly known as one of the most influential and important voices in creating American music in the 20th century. His influence on “classical music, popular music, and, of course, jazz, simply cannot be overstated.”2 Ellington moved to New York in 1923, and by1927 Ellington’s band was hired to play at the Cotton Club and stayed for five years.3 By as early as 1930, Ellington and his band were famous and he was beginning to be recognized as a serious composer.3

Ellington reached the height of his career in the 1930s and 1940s. After World War II, demand for big-band music dwindled. Ellington, along with many other artists, struggled during this time, although he continued to compose and perform.4  In 1956, “with a triumphant performance at the Newport Jazz Festival, Ellington re-emerged as an important voice in contemporary music.”5 Following this success, Ellington began to perform and record albums with others such as John Coltrane, Max Roach and Charles Mingus, and Coleman Hawkins.

The article above explains the Spingarn award that Ellington won in 1959. This award is given to African American people who “stimulate the ambition of colored youth.”6 Ellington won this award for his outstanding contributions to American music over many years. It is commonly known as a “gold medal” for “the highest or noblest achievement by an American Negro during the preceding year or years,” and is one of the most coveted awards in its field. Along with this award, Ellington also “had been nominated for a Pulitzer Prize, elected to the National Institute of Arts and Letters, awarded a doctor of music degree from Yale University, given the Medal of Freedom” following his death in 1974 due to lung cancer.

Bibliography

Cofresi, Diana. “Duke Ellington ~ Duke Ellington Biography.” PBS, March 3, 2023. https://www.pbs.org/wnet/americanmasters/duke-ellington-about-duke-ellington/586/.

“Duke Ellington.” Duke Ellington | Songwriters Hall of Fame. Accessed November 8, 2023. https://www.songhall.org/profile/Duke_Ellington.

“Duke Ellington Wins Spingarn Award: Select Duke Ellington for ’59 Spingarn Award.” 1959.Daily Defender (Daily Edition) (1956-1960), Jun 23, 1. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/duke-ellington-wins-spingarn-award/docview/493738881/se-2.

Footnotes

1 “Duke Ellington Wins Spingarn Award: Select Duke Ellington for ’59 Spingarn Award.” 1959.Daily Defender (Daily Edition) (1956-1960), Jun 23, 1. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/duke-ellington-wins-spingarn-award/docview/493738881/se-2.

2 “Duke Ellington,” Duke Ellington | Songwriters Hall of Fame, accessed November 8, 2023, https://www.songhall.org/profile/Duke_Ellington.

3 “Duke Ellington,” Duke Ellington | Songwriters Hall of Fame, accessed November 8, 2023, https://www.songhall.org/profile/Duke_Ellington.

4 Diana Cofresi, “Duke Ellington ~ Duke Ellington Biography,” PBS, March 3, 2023, https://www.pbs.org/wnet/americanmasters/duke-ellington-about-duke-ellington/586/.

5 Diana Cofresi, “Duke Ellington ~ Duke Ellington Biography,” PBS, March 3, 2023, https://www.pbs.org/wnet/americanmasters/duke-ellington-about-duke-ellington/586/.

6 Diana Cofresi, “Duke Ellington ~ Duke Ellington Biography,” PBS, March 3, 2023, https://www.pbs.org/wnet/americanmasters/duke-ellington-about-duke-ellington/586/.

Jazz Operas

What follows is my commentary on Dave Peyton’s commentary on the Jazz Opera, a relatively new idea which sought to combine aspects of music considered polar opposites at the time: Opera, a very white genre, with jazz, which is generally considered a black genre. At this time in 1926, Dave Peyton’s “The Musical Bunch,” a weekly column for the Chicago Defender, was only in its first year of the five that it lasted in the 1920s. Sources generally mention 1924 as the beginnings of the jazz opera, which makes the concept “nearly as old as jazz itself.”1
Therefore, Dave Peyton is writing a very early commentary on what in his time was a very new idea.

An interesting remark about this post is that in writing this article, Peyton is acting as a journalist in talking about what is currently happening. In addition, and perhaps more importantly, however, he is writing about the future of both jazz and opera. Peyton is very clear in saying that wants the call for a jazz opera answered by an African American. Peyton not only characterizes this idea well through interesting writing, he also supports it with evidence, listing the gap in talent in Tin Pan Alley. And while he doesn’t believe that George Gershwin, a famous jazz pianist at the time, is an unfit composer, Peyton mentions that his music “is not what the people wanted.” So who should write the first jazz opera hit? Peyton strongly believes that an African American should take this call. He lists spirituals being used by whites, and even gives an idea for the operas, saying that the opera could be about “before and after the reconstruction period, depicting the hardships that were heaped upon our group.”2

Dave Peyton smartly uses his influence as an author on the Chicago Defender to not only give a brief overview of the musical happenings in the broader jazz community, but also as a call for jazz musicians, especially African American jazz musicians to act. Peyton’s opinions shown here in this column can be easily compared to the opinions that he was known for. One example of this is the controversial opinion that white orchestra groups were superior to black groups.3
While Peyton actively worked against this, he may have fallen to popular opinion at the time.

1 “When Opera Meets Jazz” Boston Lyric Theater, https://blo.org/when-opera-meets-jazz-a-brief-history/

2 “Peyton, Dave. “The Musical Bunch: Jazz Opera” Chicago Defender. 16 January 1926.

3 Peyton, Dave, and Walser, Robert. “Keeping Time: Readings in Jazz History” “A Black Journalist Criticizes Jazz”

Langston Hughes: Collector and Fierce Champion of Jazz

Portrait of Langston Hughes by Winold Reiss

In an essay titled “The Negro Artist and the Racial Mountain,” Langston Hughes argues that the road to respect in art spaces for black Americans is not to abandon the artistic traditions and tools that belong to them in favor of the aesthetic standards of white Americans and Europeans, but rather embracing them. In making this assertion, he says “…jazz to me is one of the inherent expressions of Negro life in America…,”1 championing jazz as one of these artistic traditions to be embraced and not diminished. 

Hughes’s deep love for jazz remains consistent throughout his writing, evident in a column he wrote for The Chicago Defender in July 1954. The opinion piece is titled “Hot Jazz, Cool Jazz, Deep Blues, and Songs Help Keep Life Lively,” and in it Hughes discusses his personal record collection and taste in music, particularly jazz. He begins by mentioning that “the most restful records to [him] are the ones that make the most noise.”2 Immediately, there is an informal, familiar tone which makes the reader feel like they’re having a conversation with Hughes as he shares his favorite records when he asks the reader “Do you mind?” that he loves loud music.3 He jokingly laments about how most of his records are on loan to friends and family or “accidentally cracked up,” making himself relatable and accessible to the reader before sharing his opinions.4 His love for particularly women jazz musicians such as Mae Barnes, Bessie Smith, etc. shines through in just how evenly they are represented alongside Duke Ellington and Thelonius Monk in the article. 

He then moves into a defense of jazz as a wealth of education when he states “If you haven’t heard Mae Barnes sing… you need to go back to school and take up race relations.”5 He goes on and lists records he deems essential, and compares them to classic literature, implying that each jazz song holds equivalent learning to these cornerstones of the Western European canon. “Backwater Blues” contains the knowledge of the Book of Job. Ma Yancey’s “How Long, How Long” can only be substituted by the sum of Thomas Mann, Proust, Dostoyevsky, Gide, Hemingway, Tolstoy, McCullers, Ellison, and Faulkner.6 Comparing these records to texts that are widely considered to be required reading by many pretentious academics is an effective strategy, especially because each of these songs only takes a few minutes to listen to, while these books take hours and hours of time to read. Hughes’s assertion that all of that can be communicated by the language of jazz music emphasizes just how important he believed it to be. 

It’s rather an interesting strategy that refers back to his perspective in “The Negro Artist and the Racial Mountain.” In the essay, he laments about a young black poet who had expressed that he “want[s] to be a poet–not a Negro poet.”7 Throughout the essay he discusses a greater trend that he observes where young black people are discarding black art in favor of mainstream, white, Euro-centric art and aesthetic values. He plays to the desire to conform and assimilate to whiteness by repeatedly describing individual jazz songs as more powerful than huge swaths of the European canon, calling in this opinion article on jazz for the young black people who read The Chicago Defender to treat the jazz repertoire the way they treat classic literature.

1 Langston Hughes, “The Negro Artist and the Racial Mountain,” in Keeping Time: Readings in Jazz History, ed. Robert Walser (New York ; Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 56.

2 Hughes, LANGSTON. “Hot Jazz, Cool Jazz, Deep Blues, and Songs Help Keep Life Lively.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Jul 03, 1954. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/hot-jazz-cool-deep-blues-songs-help-keep-life/docview/492945618/se-2.

3 Ibid.

4 Ibid.

5 Ibid.

6 Ibid.

7 Hughes (1999), 55.

Blues and Jazz: Popular Music or Folk Music?

““It ain’t what it was,” the old folks say, but New Orleans jazz is still better and more boisterous than you get served and verve up to you anywhere else.”

As early as the pre-civil war days, New Orleans residents played jazz and the blues. One big contribution to this celebration of music occurred when a group called the Carpetbaggers came to town. “They were hated by the local French whites, but loved by the local jazz players because they kind of “went for” the music. Word spread about the amazing, unique sounds of the Carpetbaggers all along the Mississippi River. As time passed, and music spread further, a business-man from out of New York City came along and signed the Carpetbaggers to a contract, spreading the blues from beyond the South. And the rest is history.1

New Orleans Blues and Jazz Band (Buddy Bolden’s, back row, center left, Band), 19056

The Mississippi River played a massive role in continuing the Black American tradition of jazz and blues music. “The famous U.S. Highway 61, known as the “blues highway” rivals Route 66 as the most famous road in American music lore. Dozens of blues artists have recorded about Highway 61.” A popular theme of these songs include the “pack up and go” mindset: leave troubles behind to seek out new opportunities, which is what many musicians decided to do. The original road traveled through and/or near cities such as Baton Rouge, Cleveland, Memphis, St. Louis, and Chicago to name a few. What do these cities have in common? They all continued to spread the love of blues and jazz music.2 Music in California, Chicago, and New York, were leading contributions to the birthplace of big time band leading, where larger ensembles with more orchestration began to grow.3

As jazz and blues music grew nationwide, the question at hand was if the spread of music was in honor of the tradition, or if the spread of music was in hopes to gain popularity both in the style and its musicians, further classifying this music as “popular music.” Bruce Jackson explains The American Folksong Revival in Jeff Todd Titon’s “Reconstructing the Blues: Reflections on the 1960s Blues Revival (Page 73): “Many writers and festival fans claimed the revival provided an opportunity for millions of modern Americans to better understand their country’s musical roots, as well as an opportunity to honor the musicians who still represented those traditions. Others–often disparagingly referred to as “purists” –were certain the revival and its attendant commercialism would provide the death stroke for whatever fragile rural and ethnic traditions still survived.”4

We, as musicians, can identify that most, if not all, different styles of blues music continued the legacy of its origins in two ways: (1) with the ever-present “blues scale” and (2) with the form, commonly referred to as the “12 bar blues.”

However, “Once Southern migrants introduced the blues to urban Northern cities, the music developed into distinctive regional styles, ranging from the jazz-oriented Kansas City blues to the swing-based West Coast blues. Chicago blues musicians such as Muddy Waters were the first to electrify the blues through the use of electric guitars and to blend urban style with classic Southern blues.”5

Even though these cities were introducing new populations to the origins of jazz and blues music, by the time these tunes were heard by audiences, they were drastically different from when they arrived. Another realization that I had when researching this topic was the fact that many blues composers would create their own melodies with the 12 bar blues form, but then would simply slap a location in the title, followed by blues, and call it good. New York City Blues, West End Blues, West Coast Blues, Statesboro Blues, Chicago Blues, St. Louis Blues, to name a few. Now where these titles meant to convey symbolic meaning by the composer? Or were these titles labeled to further gain popularity by the jazz and blues listeners of these respective locations? This isn’t a question that I can necessarily answer, but it brings up a great point: As we listen or play music such as the blues, are we interacting with the intent of acknowledging the history and origin, or are we interacting because it is catchy or popular? Is blues and jazz music considered folk music or popular music? Both of these questions don’t have right or wrong answers, nor do they have only one explanation. They do, however, require perspective when being placed in these conversations, and perspective requires more focus on the intention when engaging with these music styles.

1 Battelle, Phyllis. “How Jazz Music Migrated North and Captured Broadway’s Fancy: Oldtimer Tells ‘Woes’ of Men Who Pioneered.” Daily Defender (Daily Edition) (1956-1960), May 21, 1957, https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/how-jazz-music-migrated-north-captured-broadways/docview/493656959/se-2 (accessed November 7, 2023).

2 “Highway 61 Blues.” The Mississippi Blues Trail, September 5, 2022. https://msbluestrail.org/blues-trail-markers/highway-61-north#:~:text=Some%20suggested%20that%20the%20road,journeys%20by%20continuing%20from%20St.

3 Roy, Rob. “Old Tymer Discovers Bop and Jazz Rooted at Base of Current ‘Raves’: Dixie Artists Hit N. Y. and Chicago Combining Styles.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Jun 11, 1955, https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/old-tymer-discovers-bop-jazz-rooted-at-base/docview/492899440/se-2 (accessed November 7, 2023).

4 Rosenberg, Neil V. “The Folksong Revival: Bruce Jackson.” Essay. In Transforming Tradition: Folk Music Revivals Examined. Urbana u.a.: Univ. of Illinois Press, 1993.

5 [Author removed at request of original publisher]. “6.2 the Evolution of Popular Music.” Understanding Media and Culture, March 22, 2016. https://open.lib.umn.edu/mediaandculture/chapter/6-2-the-evolution-of-popular-music/.

6 “A New Orleans Jazz History, 1895-1927.” National Parks Service. Accessed November 7, 2023. https://www.nps.gov/jazz/learn/historyculture/jazz_history.htm.

Dvorak’s life in America

We know Dvorak is known for coming to America and writing the New World Symphony, but what was his life truly like and why did he come to America? When thinking of Dvorak and American music, it was always my understanding that Dvorak came to America because he was curious about the culture and wanted to compose music that incorporated a sense of American culture. Dvorak came to America because he was offered a more than decent paying job with some pretty irresistible attributes. What was so enticing for Dvorak to pack up and leave his hometown Nelahozeves in the Czech Republic and endure a sickening 9 day transatlantic voyage on the SS Saale was Jeannette Thurber who “offered Dvořák an annual salary of $15,000, about 25 times what he was currently earning as a professor at the Prague Conservatoire.” 1

2

Dvořák with his wife, children, and friends in New York.

More along the lines of Dvorak’s life in America, we can get an idea from a multitude of letters he had written. In these letters he talks about concerts, premieres, the National Conservatory, and his family. 

“The first and chief thing is that, thanks be to God, we are all well and liking it here very much. And why shouldn’t we when it is so lovely and free here and one can live so much more peacefully and that is what I need… The orchestra here, which I heard in Brooklyn, is excellent, 100 musicians, mostly German as is also the conductor.” 3

In this letter from Dvorak to The Parker House, we get a clear idea of how he and his family is settling in as well as what the caliber of orchestral musicians are like in America.

W.C. Handy, Father of Blues

The Chicago Defender, established in 1905 by Robert Abbot, is celebrated as one of the most influential Black newspapers.1 An article written by Diana Briggs and published in the Defender on August 16, 1941 features Wyatt Christopher, or W.C. Handy. Handy played a significant role in the popularization of the blues in the early 20th century.2 In the concise article, Briggs hails him as the “Father of the Blues,” and tells of his visit to the Good Shepherd Community Center.3

W.C. Handy at the Good Shepherd Community Center7

 

The article tells of Handy’s relationship with the blues and opinions on other related genres, such as Swing.4 Briggs openly presents Handy’s strong, uncompromising stance on the Swing style. Handy categorizes Swing as a “prostituted melody of the blues,” used for the purposes of economic piracy on the behalf of whites who profit off of it.5 Handy describes Swing in an extremely decisive manner, calling it an aborted form of blues.6

 

When considering Handy’s career as a musician, composer, and bandleader, his almost graphic portrayal of swing seems entirely appropriate. Handy’s take on Swing relates to the greater, “message for his race” that Briggs notes throughout the article.8 The information surrounding Handy’s protective attitude towards blues in this article complements his career, which he spent, “making the blues a consciously composed art,” and bringing Black music into the mainstream of public culture.9 As a pioneering artist of the genre who believed that blues, “shall help [the] Negro in the fight for equal rights,” W.C. Handy’s unwavering take on both the importance of blues and the problems of Swing become unquestionable.10

 

 

1 Pride, Karen E. “Chicago Defender Celebrates 100 Years in Business.” Chicago Defender, May 5, 2005. https://web.archive.org/web/20051201092230/http://www.chicagodefender.com/page/local.cfm?ArticleID=687

2 Evans, Dylan. “Handy, W(illiam) C(hristopher).” Grove Music Online, January 20, 2001. https://doi.org/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.article.12322

3 Briggs, Diana. “Chicago Hails W. C. Handy, Father of the Blues: Father of Blues Greets Chicago with Message for Race and Music FATHER OF THE BLUES.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Aug 16, 1941. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/chicago-hails-w-c-handy-father-blues/docview/492581628/se-2

4 Ibid.

5 Ibid.

6 Ibid.

7 Ibid.

8 Ibid.

9 Robertson, David. W. C. Handy : The Life and Times of the Man Who Made the Blues. Tuscaloosa: University of Alabama Press, 2011. Accessed November 6, 2023. ProQuest Ebook Central.

10 Ibid.

Amy Beach – Making Symphonic History

 

Amy Beach (1867-1944)

Amy Marcy Cheney, more famously known as Amy Beach, was an American composer and concert pianist from New Hampshire. Although she is not a household name among your average non-musician, she used to be a famous and widely-known name and is considered the first American woman to compose and publish a symphony.1 She was an incredibly gifted musician from toddlerhood and was even said to have started composing her own melodies at age 4.2 Despite disapproval from her mother, who was fearful that the stigma associated with musical performers would tarnish her daughter’s upper-class reputation,3 Beach became a successful touring pianist. Her mother’s hesitancy was not unfounded, since she likely knew the hardships that Beach would face as a woman entering the compositional and performance world. Women composers weren’t listened to or respected and women performers weren’t taken seriously. People of Beach’s time in America were fearful of the female composer. As composer Antonín Dvořák stated, “ladies have not the creative power”4 to composer good music. The commonly held view was that women should just stick to performing pretty songs if they were musically gifted. The “scientific”5 art of composition should be left to the men, who, unlike women, won’t allow their emotions to get in the way of this very mathematical and precise art form. If you can’t tell, I’m rolling my eyes very hard right now.

Beach married Henry H.A. Beach when she was 18 and continued to pursue her musical education. Her husband, although supportive of her compositional pursuits, patronizingly feared that formal lessons would “change her creative voice”,6 so she threw herself into rigorous self-study of music theory and composition. She went on to compose over 150 published works, including cantatas, concertos, church music, symphonies, chamber music, choral music, and numerous art songs set to Shakespearean texts.7

In 1894, Beach published her first symphony, titled Gaelic Symphony, which drew on Irish folk melodies and was inspired by some of Dvořák’s compositional styles. The symphony premiered in 1896 by the Boston Symphony Orchestra under Emil Paur BOOK. and was met with widespread acclaim and backhandedly positive reviews. As a New York Times critic stated, “This symphony shows that composition is not beyond the grasp of the feminine mind.”8 Another critic from the Brooklyn Daily Eagle reported that “there is not a little strong writing, manful, one might call it, in which instruments are handled with confidence and authority.”9 These reviews can’t seem to separate the sex of the composer from how they listen to it. In Austin Latchett’s review in the Kansas City Journal, he just tells on himself about how unable he is to listen to a woman’s work without judging it differently than he would a man’s:

 “There may be no logical reason why women should not write as good music as men; but it is a fact that they have not written so brilliantly, so profoundly nor so prolifically as men have. They are almost unknown in the symphonic world. Presented anonymously, there would probably be no one to suspect that yesterday’s symphony was the work of a woman; but knowing it to be such, it is but natural that some of its most distinctive beauties should be directly associated with its feminine origin.”10

These reviews are obviously steeped in misogyny but they bring up an interesting point – what is it that makes music “feminine” and “masculine”? In my opinion, it’s a societal and cultural-based answer, but that’s for another blog post. Although her works aren’t as commonly performed these days, Beach stands as an inspirational figure for women in music everywhere. It’s important to acknowledge that if she were not white and upper-class, she would never have gotten as far as she did in the compositional world. Still, seeing a female symphonic composer clearly made a lot of male musicians uncomfortable, and that’s something that makes me smile to read about. 

 

 

 

1 Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. “Amy Marcy Beach”. Encyclopedia Britannica, 1 Sep. 2023, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Amy-Marcy-Beach. Accessed 5 November 2023.

2 Ibid.

3 Robin, William. “Amy Beach, a Pioneering American Composer, Turns 150.” The New York Times, The New York Times, 1 Sept. 2017, www.nytimes.com/2017/09/01/arts/music/amy-beach-women-american-composer.html. 

4 Ibid.

Ibid.

6 Britannica, The Editors of Encyclopaedia. “Amy Marcy Beach”. Encyclopedia Britannica, 1 Sep. 2023, https://www.britannica.com/biography/Amy-Marcy-Beach. Accessed 5 November 2023.

8 Jenkins, Walter S. The Remarkable Mrs. Beach, American Composer: A Biographical Account Based on Her Diaries, Letters, Newspaper Clippings, and Personal Reminiscences. Harmonie Park Press, 1997.

Davorak and Brahms from the old world to the new

Antonín Dvořák, the notable Czech composer, was remarkably instrumental in shaping the art music scene in America. Having built a significant musical reputation in England, Dvořák decided to extend his influence by joining the Institute of Musical Art, which is now famously known as the Juilliard School of Music. His decision led to a profound exploration to discern the essence of American classical music.

Upon his arrival in New York, Dvořák encountered an enthusiastic reception brimming with respect and admiration from the academic staff at his new institution, as well as the wider New York music community 1Beckerman 192-210. This affirmation of his abilities encouraged Dvořák to delve deeper into understanding the American music landscape and its potential.

Dvořák’s time in America marked a transition from European musical traditions to exploring something more culturally divergent. His objective was not just to teach, but he also ventured on a quest – determining the unique aspects that would define the texture of American classical music. He sought to encapsulate the pulse of the nation, its folk tradition, and the myriad narratives of its people and translate them into the classical symphony.

The resulting influence of his work, particularly Symphony No. 9, “From the New World,” embodied the integration of Native American and African-American folk melodies into the European-style symphony. This work, which brilliantly and harmoniously blends these individual components, became a pioneering step in creating a universally recognizable ‘American Sound’ in the classical music lexicon. This was greeted by a great fascination by fellow composer Johannes Brahms, who became friends with Dvořák while he was in England and then re-connected once this symphony was premiered. When the New World Symphony Premiered in Viena, Brahms, and Dvořák sat next to each other to celebrate the moment 2.

Dvořák’s exceptional contribution to the American music scene resonates even today. His commitment to appreciating and incorporating the unique musical culture of America into his compositions gave birth to an evolving new chapter in the history of American music. An affirmation of his esteemed status as an influential figure in American Art Music.

 

Footnotes:

1 Beckerman, Michael, ed. “Letters from Dvořák’s American Period: A Selection of Unpublished Correspondence Received by Dvořák in the United States.” In Dvorak and His World, 192–210. Princeton University Press, 1993. http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt7s5r0.11.

2 BEVERIDGE, DAVID. “Dvořák and Brahms: A Chronicle, an Interpretation.” In Dvorak and His World, edited by Michael Beckerman, 56–91. Princeton University Press, 1993. http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt7s5r0.6.

 

Bib:

Beckerman, Michael, ed. “Letters from Dvořák’s American Period: A Selection of Unpublished Correspondence Received by Dvořák in the United States.” In Dvorak and His World, 192–210. Princeton University Press, 1993. http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt7s5r0.11.

HOROWITZ, JOSEPH. “Dvořák and the New World: A Concentrated Moment.” In Dvorak and His World, edited by Michael Beckerman, 92–103. Princeton University Press, 1993. http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt7s5r0.7.

BEVERIDGE, DAVID. “Dvořák and Brahms: A Chronicle, an Interpretation.” In Dvorak and His World, edited by Michael Beckerman, 56–91. Princeton University Press, 1993. http://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctt7s5r0.6.

 

Local Reports about Music

—. Logo: The Chicago Defender, 1905.

The Chicago defender has been in business since 1905[1], and frequently they have sections dedicated to music. Whether it’s letters from subscribers or features written by journalists, there seems to always be an article written about music. Below you will see a feature written by Grace Thompkins in the ‘Music News’ category. I unfortunately could not find any information on Ms. Thompkins, but from what I read in the article, she has a background in music. The article starts with mentions of the record-breaking audience in attendance to pianist Leon Kirkpatrick’s recital.[2] She then talks about future events, an attempt to get more public involvement in music. On April 23rd, 1939, there will be a concert in a local metropolitan church to celebrate the 9th anniversary of the Imperial Opera company.[3](Please click on link below to view full article)

music_NEWS_emspan_class=h

I think it’s interesting how sort of… mundane things appear in these newspapers. Our current media gets so saturated with such big news and developments, that we lose the things happening in our local communities. Articles such as the one written by Ms. Thompkins get lost when there is such a need to report on global happenings so frequently.

MUSIC_EMSPAN_CLASS=HITM

Above you will see a little selection with no apparent author but was written about music education in what I would assume to be in the Chicago area, (Please click on link to view full article) They write about the current state of affairs in music education.[4] They start music in kindergarten and keep the education going throughout their entire school career, this is very similar to the experience that I had when I was a child. It has only become more integrated since then. Another example of an article written about music in schools was published in “the Press Democrat.” The author writes about the financial budget cuts that California public schools experienced in 1998. The music departments were the first casualties.[5] How can we have such a rich and diverse genre of American music when music is getting hit by budget cuts in the schools? It’s because of articles covered in newspapers like the ones highlighted above. They’re providing access to the public, writing in a digestible format, and these were written before the era of internet. People’s main way of getting information was reading articles like this or hearing about them from a friend.

[1] The Chicago Defender. “About Us.” Chicago Defender, chicagodefender.com/about-us/.

[2] Thompkins, Grace. “Music NEWS: MUSIC CALENDAR.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Apr 29, 1939. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/music-news/docview/492597431/se-2.

[3] Ibid

[4] “MUSIC: MUSIC IN THE SCHOOLS.” The Chicago Defender (National Edition) (1921-1967), Jun 20, 1931. https://www.proquest.com/historical-newspapers/music/docview/492328880/se-2.

[5] “MAKING BEAUTIFUL MUSIC IN SCHOOLS: [FINAL EDITION].” The Press Democrat, Mar 18, 1998. https://www.proquest.com/newspapers/making-beautiful-music-schools/docview/280743280/se-2.

Works Cited

—. Logo: The Chicago Defender, 1905.

Aaron Copland and his time in Paris

I think it is rather interesting and fun to investigate the personal lives of composers. Personally, I have never made it a habit to deep dive into the lives of composers, but I think this will become a habit soon. I’ve been looking at letters from Aaron Copland, and he is so funny! “I’m a pig! I’m a pig and a sinner and a wretch.”[1] This is the first line of the book, and it immediately displays the humanity of Copland, showing that there isn’t much difference between the performer and composer. I often experience the barrier between composer and performer, this display of humanity is refreshing.

Aaron Copland with Lukas Foss and Elliott Carter

2

Aaron Copland has written a variety of different works, and most of them are accessible to the public. Pieces like Appalachian spring, Rodeo, and all the film music he wrote is extremely accessible. I want to take a closer look at his early life, the time that he spent in New York and Paris. When he was a teenager, he was writing letters to Aaron Schaffer, another scholar, and supposedly they discussed things like aesthetics, music, and other things. Unfortunately, the letters from Copland no longer exist, we can only infer from the letters of Schaffer.[3] Quickly after these letters, Copland applied to study in Paris the summer of 1921.[4] He writes to his parents with enthusiasm to study many different musical things when he finally crosses the sea, little did he know that he would meet the most influential person in his career, Natalie Boulanger.[5] During the infancy of his studies in Paris, Copland mostly wrote to his parents.

It is so lovely to see the enthusiasm of his writing, he is brimming with excitement being in this new country, new land, and new experiences. Copland, like many musicians, has many insecurities about his craft. I personally fall into this habit as well, of putting a composer on a pedestal and thinking that they are a genius. Taking a deeper look into these letters that Copland wrote to both his parents and others, I think is a great way of breaking these assumptions and putting the composer on the same level as the performer. They’re all people like the rest of us!

[1] Copland, Aaron. The Selected Correspondence of Aaron Copland. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006. Accessed November 5, 2023. ProQuest Ebook Central.

“Aaron Copland with Lukas Foss and Elliott Carter..” Grove Music Online. ; Accessed 5 Nov. 2023. https://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/grovemusic/view/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.001.0001/omo-9781561592630-e-8000923191.

[3] Ibid

[4] Ibid

[5] Lerner, Neil. “Copland, Aaron.” Grove Music Online. 26 Mar. 2018; Accessed 5 Nov. 2023. https://www.oxfordmusiconline.com/grovemusic/view/10.1093/gmo/9781561592630.001.0001/omo-9781561592630-e-3000000119.

Leonard Bernstein & An American Introduction to The Gay Arts

Leonard Bernstein’s life and dreams of music direction were supported by his talent, utter extroversion, and thoughtfulness. Bernstein however faced three points of potential controversy against himself, being a Jewish-American homosexual. While Bernstein couldn’t hide his Jewish-American heritage in a widely European and at times anti-semitic music scene, he did certainly try to hide his homosexuality. Bernstein didn’t want anything getting in the way of him and his dreams of musical direction, not even himself. And so, Bernstein went onto marry Felicia Montealegre on September 9, 19513, despite having relations to varying degrees with other composers of the time from Ned Rorem to Aaron Copland2. On the topic of his sexuality, known by his wife, she wrote thus:

“First: we are not committed to a life sentence — nothing is really irrevocable, not even marriage (though I used to think so).

Second: you are a homosexual and may never change — you don’t admit to the possibility of a double life, but if your peace of mind, your health, your whole nervous system depend on a certain sexual pattern what can you do?

Third: I am willing to accept you as you are, without being a martyr or sacrificing myself on the L.B. altar.”1

Bernstein makes less discrete nods to his sexuality in his compositions. Junior from A Quiet Place (1983) is engaged in a same-sex relationship with Francois, as is Maximillian with several partners in Candide (1956).

9780634056093: Glitter and Be Gay from Candide: Scottish Opera Edition (Scottish Opera Editions)

Bernstein’s “Glitter And Be Gay” from Candide

4

Bernstein, although shaded in many respects, made the first few modern attempts at incorporating the LGBTQ’s voice into music. As a member of the LGBTQ community, I am grateful that I feel I can express myself freely in the musical culture I am surrounded in- and part of that is because of the path that Bernstein paved. Since Bernstein we have had LGBTQ conductors and composers such as Pauline Oliveros, Marin Alsop, and Yannick Nézet-Séguin. It is not an understatement to stay that in the modern culture of classical music Bernstein has solidified a place in the academy for openly LGBTQ musicians in spite of his reserved legacy concerning his sexuality.

Bernstein, Leonard. Leonard Bernstein Letters. Yale University Press, 2014.

Brandon Visetchaisri IU Southeast Student Conference April 22, 2021 …, scholarworks.iu.edu/dspace/bitstream/handle/2022/26363/Visetchaisri%202021%20Student%20Conference%20Presentation.pdf?sequence=1. Accessed 4 Nov. 2023.

“Felicia Montealegre Bernstein.” Wikipedia, Wikimedia Foundation, 2 Nov. 2023, en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Felicia_Montealegre_Bernstein.

 

Gershwin on Jazz

In the last century, George Gershwin and his works have become as American as apple pie.  Even though he was already a prolific pianist in New York at this time, he released his first published work: “When You Want ’Em You Can’t Get ’Em” in 1916.  Following this release, he began to enter the Broadway scene, writing for many shows from 1920-24.  His most famous work, Rhapsody in Blue, which many still consider jazz today, was partially unfinished when he premiered in February of 1924. Consequently, Gershwin improvised much of the piano solo during the performance, and conductor Paul Whiteman had to rely on a nod from Gershwin to cue the orchestra at the end of the solo1.

Jazz’s cultural position in the early 1920s was in constant flux.  Its naysayers argued that it was a temporary fad with no real compositional basis, while others argued that it was the future of America’s musical identity.  In his 1926 article in Singing magazine, George Gershwin posits a refreshing view of the genre where he answers the question “Does Jazz Belong to Art”2 with a surprising amount of foresight.  He opens his article by declaring “No student…can afford any longer to ignore jazz music or to sniff at it as a thing of low estate and of negative cultural value” (Wyatt 94).  Despite how it may sound, Gershwin wasn’t interested in being the face of jazz advocacy, more so he wanted American listeners to understand the genre as American.  He desired to jazz to be studied not as only popular music, but as a serious art music genre.  In an editorial found in Musical America, a writer argued that jazz’s ” natural place is scarcely in the concert room…”3, but today’s Jazz at Lincoln Center would beg to differ.

But if you take the best of our modern serious jazz music and study it, you can come to only one conclusion-that it is, in the words of Madame d’Alvarez: “America’s greatest contribution to the musical art.” – George Gershwin (Wyatt 95)

Gershwin would attribute the attitude in the aforementioned editorial as troglodytic; shunning the new and worshipping the old.  At the time, jazz was a burgeoning genre that was shunned in part due to racism, but also due to a desperate desire to preserve the status quo.  As Gershwin highlights in his correspondence, many of those that condemned jazz hardly knew anything about the genre: “To condemn jazz, for example, because there is much bad jazz in the world, is as absurd as to condemn all music because bad music exists” (Wyatt 95).  There is much jazz in the world.  “Jazz is simple, complex, relaxed, and intense.  There is a style of jazz which sounds like European classical music…there is a style of jazz that sounds like Latin American Music…there is a style of jazz which sounds like East Indian classical music” (Taylor 21)4.  There are styles of jazz which sound like various other kinds of music heard in this country and elsewhere in the world.  Gershwin believed that Jazz at its best provides a new field of mastery for classically trained musicians.  Its intense rhythmic focus, along with an emphasis on improvisation provides any classical musician with valuable skills that will only supplement their technique.

1The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica. 2019. “George Gershwin | Biography, Songs, & Facts.” In Encyclopædia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/biography/George-Gershwin.

2Wyatt, Robert, and John Andrew Johnson. 2010. The George Gershwin Reader. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.

3Dupree, Mary Herron. “‘Jazz,’ the Critics, and American Art Music in the 1920s.” American Music 4, no. 3 (1986): 287–301. https://doi.org/10.2307/3051611.

4William “Billy” Taylor. “Jazz: America’s Classical Music.” The Black Perspective in Music 14, no. 1 (1986): 21–25. https://doi.org/10.2307/1214726.

 

Works Cited

The Editors of Encyclopedia Britannica. 2019. “George Gershwin | Biography, Songs, & Facts.” In Encyclopædia Britannica. https://www.britannica.com/biography/George-Gershwin.

Wyatt, Robert, and John Andrew Johnson. 2010. The George Gershwin Reader. Oxford: Oxford Univ. Press.

Dupree, Mary Herron. “‘Jazz,’ the Critics, and American Art Music in the 1920s.” American Music 4, no. 3 (1986): 287–301. https://doi.org/10.2307/3051611.

William “Billy” Taylor. “Jazz: America’s Classical Music.” The Black Perspective in Music 14, no. 1 (1986): 21–25. https://doi.org/10.2307/1214726.

“George Gershwin: 15 Facts about the Great Composer.” n.d. Classic FM. https://www.classicfm.com/composers/gershwin/guides/gershwin-facts/.

On Copland’s View of Jazz

Aaron Copland, born November 14, 1900, is a composer best known for his incredibly accessible works, with pieces such as Appalachian Spring, Rodeo, and Fanfare for the Common Man being written in the 1930s and 40s. He was an American composer, although he studied in Europe for a good portion of his early career, and returned to America around the 1920s, where he lived in New York during the height of the quest to define what ‘American’ music was.

Copland composed in a great deal of styles, ranging from piano passacaglias to full symphonies. He was part of several jazz bands while in New York, as well as the League of Composers, and was well-known and respected, writing articles for their local magazine. One such piece was about George Antheil’s Jazz Sonata for piano, written in 1922, and was not well-received by the composer, although the original article perhaps did not warrant such a response. Copland wrote a letter to Antheil, perhaps to diffuse the situation,  in which he notes:

The idea of writing that article came to me as a result of the reception given your Jazz Sonata at a concert earlier in the season. All the music critics took the stupid attitude that you were a mere bluff, trying to scandalize the musical public…1

Considering that Copland was part of several jazz bands, it can be assumed that he is referring here to the negative perception afforded jazz and similar genres, even when written by white composers, something prevalent surrounding the time of the early Harlem Renaissance, when such music was to be confined to night clubs only. Copland’s view of jazz seems to be very positive, demonstrating that he was open to a variety of music styles, especially considering that this piece was most likely performed in a concert with other works, that is to say as an art song rather than a dance number or similar. This may demonstrate the shift from jazz being considered a ‘scandalous’ genre to something worthy of a concert, something with legitimacy.

Copland’s view of the actual makers of jazz, that is to say the black community, has to be extrapolated from several different letters, as he says nothing explicit about his ideas about black musicians and performs. In one letter to Carlos Chavez, a Mexican composer of renown, he notes that “Kids are like Negroes, you can’t go wrong if they are on the stage.”2 This was in discussion about his opinion of the opera The Second Hurricane, and the child actors playing several roles within. A footnote in the Correspondence collection states that “Copland may have had in mind Four Sains in Three Acts, which sustained Gertrude Stein’s modernist libretto and Virgil Thomson’s music by means of its black cast…” which although not part of his actual letter gives some insight into Copland’s surroundings at the time of writing. Taking his sentence literally, he certainly seems to have a positive view of black performers, a view that is supported further by his thoughts on the ‘Negro Voice’:

What a music factory it is! Thirteen black men and me – quite a piquant scene. The thing I like most is the quality of voice when the Negroes sing down here. It does things to me – it’s so sweet and moving. And just think, no serious Cuban composer is using any of this. It’s awful tempting, but I’ll try to control myself.3

Although this excerpt comes from a letter to Leonard Bernstein from Havana, Cuba, written in 1941, it still is useful in giving insight into Copland’s views. He views the ‘black voice’ as something to be used more often in songs, something that is ‘sweet and moving’. Granted, this is in Cuba, not New York. There are different politics in play, and indeed, an entire different musical style. However, I believe that this is indicative of a general appreciation that Copland has for music, without much consideration for who is behind it. He has previously noted that the consideration of jazz as ‘scandalous’ is stupid, he has noted that ‘you can’t go wrong with Negro performers’ and then 20 years later goes to South and Central American and enjoys partaking in their musical traditions. In this way, a sliver of his view: that music should be appreciated and recognized, comes through.

Works Cited:

1 The Selected Correspondence of Aaron Copland, ed. Elizabeth B Crist and Wayne Shirley (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2006), 48. Accessed November 2, 2023. ProQuest Ebook Central.

2 Ibid, 118.

3 Ibid, 141.

George Gershwin and the culture of composer celebrities

George Gershwin was a composer in the early 1900s that was caught up in the culture of celebrity composer. In a letter to his brother Ira, he is excited to announce that he has finally been recognized by a stranger in public as he had just released one of his more successful songs (the musical theater number La-La-Lucille!).

Letter from George Gershwin to Ira Gershwin, February 18, 1923, 60/61, George and Ira Gershwin Collection

At this point in time, Gershwin was enjoying the pop culture phenomenon of celebrity composers. As sheet music was making its way across the US in traveling shows, purchased in staggering numbers1 (Gershwin’s own composition “Swanee” sold well over a million copies), the composer was becoming something of a celebrity2. This seems strange today as we are so well accustomed to singers being the faces of a song— many people are under the impression that they are the sole writer of the song in the first place— but in an era before visual media, the composer was king. Some looking back at history point to the American Songbook as the launch point for composer celebration, as it enjoyed massive commercial success. Indeed even well established performers like Ella Fitzgerald devoted records or albums to composers, a sign of their high culture status3.

Despite their increased visibility it may be argued that celebrity status held composers back in some ways. They became more tied to the commercial success of their music and were more pressured to reproduce previous hits rather than venture into new territory. This is maybe less true of Gershwin and more so of the Tin Pan Alley composers such as Irving Berlin. And this phenomenon didn’t last long— soon rock and roll and other popular genres shifted the focus to the performers and away from the composers. But at this point, we see Gershwin’s excitement over his emerging fame.

1
Epstein, Louis. “Worthless and Priceless: Popular Sheet Music, 1890-1930.” “Worthless and Priceless: Popular Sheet Music, 1890-1930,” 1 Nov. 2023, Northfield Mn, Northfield Mn.

2
Utzig. “The Culture of the Composer.” Medium, Medium, 18 June 2021, utzig.medium.com/the-culture-of-the-composer-8e7f82e9f17a.

3
Micucci, Matt, et al. “The Genius of George Gershwin: Retracing His Legacy in Six Songs.” JAZZIZ Magazine, JAZZIZ, 26 Sept. 2018, www.jazziz.com/the-genius-of-george-gershwin-retracing-his-legacy-in-six-songs/.

Antonin Dvorak’s Relationship with Johannes Brahms

Every composer has a beginning and time where they are relatively unknown. This was the case for Antonin Dvorak, who ended up being both a European and American influencer in music. Up until his thirties, Dvorak, who was born and raised in a small Czech town, was relatively unknown in musical circles. In 1877, however, Johannes Brahms recommended one of Dvorak’s works to his own publisher.1
The piece was one from the grants Dvorak had applied for, which were focused on helping poorer composers get their start as composers. Remarkably, Antonin Dvorak clearly benefited indirectly from the grants he received.

Below is Dvorak’s response to hearing about Brahms’ recommendation.2
The letter is very thankful throughout, as one would think Dvorak might be at this time in his life. This letter, in fact, is the beginning of a relationship between two great composers, as Brahms continued to help Dvorak find his voice and eventually become the Dvorak that is well known in Europe and the US, and likely other parts of the world. This letter is remarkable to have been kept considering its historical significance. If not for this relationship, Dvorak’s music might not have impacted American music to the extent that it did. 

Commentary on this letter contextualizes it well, but that can also be a lazy excuse to not read this letter critically and follow a primary source reading guide. While the pages surrounding this letter talk much about Dvorak’s and Brahms’ relationship, they don’t mention American music, which Dvorak later came to know and influence. Many books and articles mention that Dvorak’s New World Symphony transformed American music, but a certain New York Times article debunks this theory.3
While Dvorak’s symphony surely had its influence, this article especially discredits the idea that Dvorak was the first to say that American music would have its unique characteristic in African American melodies. While there are many other details on composers who pioneered this view before Dvorak, a singular message can be taken away by the reader: the way music developed was not due to one person, but rather through a complicated journey. It just so happens that Brahms’ recommendation of Dvorak to his publisher was one piece of a large puzzle of the slow transformation of American music.

1. Beverage, David R., “antonin Dvorak”, Dvorak American Heritage Association, https://www.dvoraknyc.org/bio#:~:text=In%20December%201877%20Brahms%20took,to%20texts%20of%20Moravian%20folk

2.  Geiringer, Karl. “On Brahms and His Circle.” Harmonie Park Press, 2006, p. 351. 

3 Shadle, Douglas W., “Did Dvorak’s ‘New World’ Symphony Transform American Music?” 14 December 2018. The New York Times

Ragtime and its Haitian Ties

Audra McDonald – Your Daddy's Son Lyrics | Genius Lyrics

Ragtime is a syncopated musical style that was evolved by African American musicians which peaked between the 1890’s and 1910’s. It was often played on the piano with accented accompaniment. Ragtime regained popularity once again in the early 20th century through composers such as Scott Joplin, and African American composer and pianist. Ragtime is at times associated with jazz, however an argument is made that due to the absence of improvisation, it cannot be considered jazz. The presence of the ragtime phenomenon has made an impact on the composition and entertainment industry for over a century. Although African American musicians played a large role in the culture surrounding ragtime, their community was also made to feel insulted due to the minstrel show tendencies that became popularly associated with it.

In class we covered "Alexander's Ragtime Band"<1> which is a song by Irving Berlin released in 1911 and was his first major hit. There was later a musical film released named after it, telling the story of a boy who pursues a career in ragtime instead of a more respected form of music. The 20th century Broadway production Ragtime the Musical Another gained popularity. One of the songs projected in the musical is "Your Daddy's Son" and can be found at minute at 3:42 on the Audio CD of Ragtime: The Musical, which tells the heart wrenching story of a mother who buries her child in the ground after the father of her baby leaves her.<2>

Haiti being a predominantly African descent population at approximately 95 percent, has also been impacted through the outreach of ragtime.<3> The US relations with Haiti from 1915 reached political measures when President Woodrow Wilson had Haiti sign a treaty "that would protect foreign lives and property during Haiti's fifth revolution in four years" and discuss the Haitians take on the political atmosphere at the time. Music itself can be seen to have a powerful impact of nations such as Haiti and the African American population in which in resides. <4>

  1. “Alexander’s Ragtime Band.” n.d. Library of Congress, Washington, D.C. 20540 USA. Accessed November 2, 2023. https://www.loc.gov/item/jukebox-130931/.<1 >
  2. McNally, Terrence, Lynn Ahrens, Brian Stokes Mitchell, Peter Friedman, Marin Mazzie, Audra McDonald, Mark Jacoby, David Loud, John Mauceri, and E. L. Doctorow. Ragtime : the Musical. New York, N.Y: RCA Victor, 1998.<2>
  3. WEISBERGER, BA. RAGTIME DIPLOMACY + UNITED-STATES INVOLVEMENT IN HAITI IN THE EARLY-20TH-CENTURYAmerican Heritage. Vol. 45. NEW YORK: Amer Heritage Subscription Dept, 1994.<3>
  4. Weisberger, Bernard A. Ragtime DiplomacyAmerican Heritage. Vol. 45. New York: American Heritage Publishing Company, 1994.<4>

“Porgy and Bess” and African-American Identity

Arguably the most famous American musical theater production of the 20th century is Porgy and Bess, “an American Folk Opera,” the peak of Gershwin’s career. There is rarely a night in the world when Porgy and Bess isn’t performed live on stage. The distinct characters of the songs have spawned hundreds of arrangements. in Maurice Peress’s book “Dvorák to Duke Ellington: A Conductor Explores America’s Music and Its African American Roots”, We are able to see the intersections between “Porgy and Bess”, Gershwin, and the African-American identity. 1

Although “Porgy and Bess” was a cultural gift, it is not exempted from some controversy. “Combining the sons of Russian Jewish immigrants, George and Ira Gershwin, with the scion of a prominent white South Carolina family, DuBose Heyward, and his wife Dorothy, an Ohio native, to depict an exclusively African-American story”(Cooper 2019)—is this an example of good melting-pot American art? Is it improper cultural appropriation? The fact that the most well-known opera depicting the African-American experience was produced by a team made up exclusively of white people is no secret to Black composers looking for acceptance. 2

In a 1936 essay for Opportunity, an Urban League journal, Hall Johnson, a black composer, arranger, and choir director whose Broadway hit musical “Run, Little Chillun!” had been successful, said Gershwin was “as free to write about Negroes in his own way as any other composer to write about anything else.” However, he noted that the finished product was “Gershwin’s idea of what a Negro opera should be, not a Negro opera by Gershwin.” Decades later, the writer James Baldwin reiterated this criticism in a review of the movie, saying that although he enjoyed “Porgy and Bess,” it was still “a white man’s vision of Negro life.”2

“Porgy and Bess” provided jobs for black singers with classical training during a time when discrimination kept them from appearing at the Met and other prestigious venues. When the initial tour of the play arrived to the segregated National Theater in Washington, DC, the black stars of the show took a stance and promised not to perform. The theater was compelled to integrate as a result, albeit only briefly. “Porgy” established the careers of other black vocalists , such as Leontyne Price, who sang the part of Bess right out of Juilliard.2

Eventually, It began featuring American culture internationally. However, this came with some problems. “Porgy and Bess”, being a Jewish composer’s work about African Americans, the work’s European premiere in Copenhagen during World War II sparked controversy because of its staging, which was seen as a direct protest against the Nazi regime. During the middle of the Cold War, in the mid-1950s, author Truman Capote wrote an entertaining portrayal of the inherent ironies of this visit of Leningrad and Moscow.2 The piece seemed to be fitting into the operatic canon, proving the pieces power.

 

1 Peress, Maurice. 2004. Dvorák to Duke Ellington : A Conductor Explores America’s Music and Its African American Roots. New York: Oxford University Press, Incorporated. Accessed November 2, 2023. ProQuest Ebook Central.
2 Cooper, Michael. “The Complex History and Uneasy Present of ‘Porgy and Bess.’” The New York Times, The New York Times, 19 Sept. 2019, www.nytimes.com/2019/09/19/arts/music/porgy-bess-gershwin-metropolitan-opera.html.

Copland, the Writer, On Jazz

Aaron Copland was not just a prolific composer, but also wrote extensively about both his own works and his contemporaries. In a preface to a collection of his writing, he’s described as having “epitomized the ideal of the composer-writer” in his career.1 He also wrote about trends and occurrences in music, particularly American music. One example of this is a short essay from 1927 titled “Jazz Structure and Influence.” 

In the essay, Copland aims to contribute to analytical and critical writing about jazz, a field of study which had just begun to emerge. The essay’s general thesis argues that jazz’s main contribution to music as a whole is its rhythmic innovations. He begins by consulting a few different sources for a definition of jazz, including composer Virgil Thomson and music critic Henry O. Osgood’s book, So This Is Jazz. Both of the definitions emphasize rhythm, and the central function of “‘a counterpoint of regular against irregular beats.’”2

Copland continues to build on these assertions by pinpointing a particular type of syncopation that is unique to jazz. He traces the development of this jazz rhythm through spirituals, ragtime, and the foxtrot. He asserts that “Modern jazz began with the fox trot,”3 and identifies a specific rhythmic motif, pictured below. By putting it over four quarter notes, “the play of two independent rhythms…” creates “a molecule of jazz.”4 He clarifies later that polyrhythms themselves were not invented by jazz, but that “the polyrhythms of jazz are different in quality and effect… The peculiar excitement they produce by clashing two definitely and regularly marked rhythms is unprecedented in occidental music.”5

The “molecule of jazz” pictured in Copland’s essay.

Copland then moves into an analysis of the ways in which this identifying aspect of jazz has “achieved a new synthesis in music.”6 This is also where his rhetoric begins to feel problematic for a modern day reader. Copland posits several times that jazz is “so difficult for ordinary ears” that these polyrhythms only appear a few measures at a time in contemporary music, and goes on to credit Gershwin as having written the “most original jazz song yet composed.”7 These statements indirectly communicate a belief that jazz’s rhythmic complexity places it above music “developed among primitive races.”8 Also, he places a white man at the pinnacle of achievement in a genre that he even describes as having Black (specifically African-American) origins. He provides some nuance when he argues that European composers have “exploited it as an exotic novelty.”9 However, his concluding statements describing jazz as “indigenous, music an American has heard as a child,” and encouraging American composers to draw on it as a musical resource, are ignorant of the actual Indigenous music of the Americas, as well as the institutional racism in America that complicates the use of jazz by white composers as inspiration and source material.10

1 Kostelanetz, Richard. “Preface.” In Aaron Copland: A Reader : Selected Writings 1923-1972, by Aaron Copland. New York: Routledge, 2004.

2 Copland, Aaron. “Jazz Structure and Influence.” In Aaron Copland: A Reader : Selected Writings 1923-1972. New York: Routledge, 2004, 83.

3 Ibid, 84.

4 Ibid, 85.

5 Ibid, 87.

6 Ibid, 85.

7 Ibid, 86.

8 Ibid, 86.

9 Ibid, 87.

10 Ibid, 87.

Dvorak’s Correspondence and What They Say About Him

The book Dvorak and His World by Michael Beckerman includes a chapter completely dedicated to correspondence received by Dvorak during his time in America.1 These letters are supposedly not published anywhere else and have never been seen before this book. There are a wide range of letters from pleasant greetings to desperate pleas, all of which demonstrate the kind of impact Dvorak had in the American community and the world as a whole.

Letter to Dvorak regarding Requiem premiere.2

These first few letters were received by Dvorak just before and after his Requiem was first performed in Boston. The second letter is from someone giving thanks to Dvorak on behalf of the Boston government. He states that the opportunity for Bostonians to hear a premiere Dvorak’s work directed by Dvorak himself and with the ability to meet Dvorak is not something easily forgot